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THE  BLOCK  LHWS! 


SPEECH  OF 

HON.  B.  W.  ARNETT, 

OF  GREENE  COUNTY, 

In  the  0Ki@  Heuse  ef  Representatives,  MaroK  10,  1886. 

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BLACK  LAWS. 


Sec.  4008.  When,  in  the  judgment  of  the  board,  it  will  be  for  the 
advantage  of  the  district  to  do  so,  it  may  organize  separate  schools  for 
colored  children;  and  boards  of  two  or  more  adjoining  districts  may 
unite  in  a separate  school  for  colored  children,  each  board  to  bear  its 
proportionate  share  of  the  expense  of  such  school,  according  to  the 
number  of  colored  children  from  each  district  in  the  school,  which  shall 
be  under  the  control  of  the  board  of  education  of  the  district  in  which 
the  school  house  is  situate. 

Sec.  6987.  A person  of  pure  white  blood,  who  intermarries,  or  has 
illicit  carnal  intercourse,  with  any  negro,  or  person  having  a distinct 
and  visible  admixture  of  African  blood,  and  any  negro,  or  person  hav- 
ing a distinct  and  visible  admixture  of  African  blood,  who  intermarries, 
or  has  illicit  carnal  intercourse,  with  any  person  of  pure  white  blood, 
shall  be  fined  not  more  than  one  hundred  dollars,  or  imprisoned  not 
more  than  three  months,  or  both. 

Sec.  6988.  A probate  judge  who  knowingly  issues  a license  for  the 
solemnization  of  any  marriage  made  penal  by  the  last  section,  and 
every  person  who  knowingly  solemnizes  any  such  marriage,  shall  be 
fined  not  more  than  one  hundred  dollars,  or  imprisoned  not  more  than 
three  months,  or  both. 


301.45! 

Dr  C {r 

THE  BLflGK  LAWS! 

SPEECH  OF 

HON.  B.  W.  ARNETT. 

OK  GREENE  COUNTY, 

In  the  Ohio  House  of  Represent  at  ives,  March  10,  1886. 


Mr.  Speaker  : We  have  before  us  to 
day  a subject  that  is  of  great  interest  t< 
the  people  of  the  commonwealth  of  Ohio 
one  of  those  questions  that  called  for  the 
efforts  of  great  men  in  the  past,  which 
have  been  the  cause  of  the  organization 
of  the  party,  and  have  been  the  life  oi 
the  same.  I would  apologize  to  this  House 
and  to  my  constituents  for  the  interest  I am 
taking  in  this  work  if  it  were  not  the  con- 
tinuation of  the  work  of  the  moral  heroes 
of  this  country,  It  is  the  carrying  forward 
of  the  work  begun  by  J.  B.  Burney,  who, 
m 1840,  had  only  7,059  persons  on  his  side. 
In  1844  he  had  62,300;  and  the  columns 
increased,  so  that  in  1848  there  were  291  - 
263  men  in  the  army  of  the  Free  Soil 
Party,  with  Martin  Van  Buren  as  leader. 

In  1852  J.  P.  Hale  led  the  host,  with 
156,149  bearing  his  banner  in  every  con- 
quest  and  victory.  In  1856,  J.  C.  Fremont, 
the  Pathfinder,”  marched  to  the  Bell  of 
Puberty,  with  1,341,266  true  and  tried  men. 
In  i860,  the  great  emancipator,  Abraham 
Lincoln,  led  1,866,352.  In  1864,  when  the 
watchword  of  the  nation,  “Freedom  and 
the  Union,”  had  an  army  of  2,216,067,  the 
great  emancipator  performed  his  work, 
broke  the  chain  from  the  limbs  of  four 
millions  of  human  beings,  and  bade  them 
stand  up  m the  dignity  of  freedom  and 
defend  the  Constitution  and  the  Union. 

The  next  work  was  that  of  January  13th, 
1865.  The  Thirteenth  Amendment  of  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  was 
passed,  which  forever  prohibits  slavery  and 
involuntary  servitude  in  this  land.  I was 
present  in  the  Hall  of  Congress  when  the 
great  act  was  performed.  It  was  an  occa- 
sion to  be  remembered  by  all.  The  hour 


had  arrived  for  the  calling  up  of  that  meas- 
ure. J.  M.  Ashley,  of  Ohio,  had  charge  of 
the  measure.  The  discussion  was  finished, 
the  vote  taken,  the  result  announced.  Then 
the  multitude  was  wild  with  joy.  Men  ran 
jumped,  hugged,  cried  and  hallooed;  hats 
were  thrown  in  the  air,  handkerchiefs  were 
waved  by  the  ladies,  old  men  were  young 
dignity  in  men  and  women  surrendered 
to  their  joy.  The  halls  were  filled  with  the 
shouts  and  cheers  of  the  hour.  At  the 
passage  of  the  bill  a messenger  ran  to  the 
fiont  of  the  Capitol,  where  a cannon  was 
waiting  to  announce  the  news  of  great  joy. 
In  a moment  the  sound  of  the  cannon  was 
heard,  and  a battery  at  the  corner  of  Mt. 
Vernon  avenue  and  Fourteenth  street 
joined  in  the  joy,  and  the  thunder  was 
sounded  along  the  sky.  The  death  knell 
of  slavery  was  sounded  by  the  brazen 
notes  of  war;  the  bells  of  the  city  tolled 
forth  tunes  and  chimed  the  notes  of  free- 
dom, while  the  hills  resounded  with  the 
echoes  of  the  shouts  of  liberty.  It  was  a 
grand  day  for  the  sons  of  Liberty  and  the 
daughters  of  Oppression.  The  "scene  in 
the  city  was  indescribable.  In  the  hotels 
the  waiter  and  the  guest  congratulated 
each  other.  Dinner  was  interrupted  with 
songs,  shouts  and  cheers.  They  ate  a 
while,  then  sang  a while,  shouted  "a  while 
and  cheered  a while.  So,  this  event  was  one 
of  the  grandest  ever  known  in  the  history  of 
the  city  and  among  the  party.  It  is  so  far- 
reaching  in  its  results,  so  beneficent  in  its 
effects— the  lifting  of  the  burden  from  the 
millions,  the  closing  of  the  gateway  of 
Oppression,  and  the  opening  of  the  ave- 
nues of  Universal  Freedom  for  the  hun- 
dred generations— and,  as  the  years  roll 


2 


by,  and  men  appreciate  the  good  deed  of 
the  fathers,  this  act  will  stand  as  the  grand- 
est in  the  calendar  of  legislation  in  the 
country. 

‘•Now  that  we  have  emancipated  him,  and 
he  can  no  more  be  a slave,  what  are  we 
going  to  do  with  him?”  was  the  question  of 
the  hour.  “What  are  his  legal  rights?  what 
must  we  do  to  protect  him  in  his  new 
home  of  freedom?  and  what  must  we  do 
for  him?”  Then,  in  1866,  the  National 
Convention  of  colored  men  met  in  Wash- 
ington, and  presented  to  the  United  States 
Congress  papers  defending  the  position, 
and  asking  for  the  reconstruction  of  the 
Southern  States  on  the  basis  of  universal 
freedom  and  exact  equality.  The  Consti- 
tution grants  to  every  man,  woman  and 
child  equal  rights  in  every  State.  It  is  on 
this  that  we  demand  the  repeal  of  these 
laws;  they  are  contrary  to  the  spirit  of 
the  genius  of  our  institutions  and  the  letter 
of  our  Constitution,  for  it  guarantees  to 
every  citizen  his  equal  rights,  his  civil 
rights,  and  allows  him  to  enjoy  the  univer- 
sal blessings  of  manhood. 

We  invite  you  to  come  with  us  down 
the  avenues  of  universal  history,  and  take 
antiquity  by  the  hand,  and,  as  we  roll  back 
the  scroll  of  thirty  centuries,  and  behold 
the  congregated  halls,  we  see  the  assem- 
bled throng,  we  hear  the  harping  and  sing- 
ing host.  We  pour  over  the  archives;  we 
converse  with  the  king  and  his  subjects; 
we  hear  the  tale  of  sorrow  from  the  beg- 
gar; we  attend  to  the  wants  of  the  dis- 
tressed, and  retire  to  our  State  to  find  that 
though  three  thousand  years  have  passed, 
and  thousands  of  lives  have  been  offered  on 
the  altar  of  our  common  country,  an  obla- 
tion to  human  freedom  by  the  patriotic, 
there  remains  work  to  be  done  by  the 
friends  of  right  and  justice.  The  ruins  of 
the  ancient  cities  are  to  us  monuments, 
that  say,  “ Righteousness  exhalteth  a na- 
tion, but  sin  is  a reproach  to  any  people.” 

This  State  is  under  obligations  to  pro- 
tect virtue  and  to  prevent  crime.  It  is  the 
duty  of  the  nation  to  protect  and  preserve 
the  purity  and  freedom  of  the  ballot,  be- 
cause on  this  depends  the  life  of  the  nation. 

The  nation  is  under  obligations  to  pro- 
tect all  citizens  from  injustice. 

A well-governed  State  will  guard  and 
foster  its  industries  so  as  to  produce  the 
most  good  to  the  greatest  number. 

The  nation  must  fulfill  its  obligations  to 
the  poor  man  and  the  freeman.  When  the 
nation  asked  the  negro  to  assist  in  saving 
the  life  of  the  nation,  it  guaranteed  to  him 
all  the  rights  of  an  American  citizen. 

II.  RELIGION  IN  THE  DECLARA- 
TION OF  INDEPENDENCE. 

I find  these  grand  religious  ideas  run- 
ning through  the  immortal  Declaration  ; it 
is  the  widening  of  the  stream  of  right  and 


straightening  it  in  range  of  government. 
Is  the  principle  of  Righteousness  in  this 
document  ? or  is  it  outside  of  the  Decla- 
ration of  God.  But  what  does  the  docu- 
ment say: 

“When,  in  the  course  of  human  events, 
it  becomes  necessary  for  one  people  to  dis- 
solve the  political  bands  which  have  con- 
nected them  with  an  other,  and  to  assume 
among  the  powers  of  the  earth  the  separ- 
ate and  equal  station  to  which  the  laws  of 
nature  and  nature’s  God  entitles  them,  a 
decent  respect  to  the  opinions  of  mankind 
requires  that  they  should  declare  the 
causes  which  impel  them  to  separation. 

“We  hold  these  truths  to  be  self-evi- 
dent, that  all  men  are  created  equal ; that 
they  are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with 
certain  inalienable  rights;  that  among  these 
are  life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness.” 

The  Declaration  is  thus  finished,  and 
when  this  noble  band  of  patriots  sent  out 
the  document  to  the  world,  how  did  they 
close  it?  Let  us  see: 

“We,  therefore,  the  representatives  of 
the  United  States  of  America  in  general 
congress  assembled,  appealing  to  the  Su- 
preme Judge  of  the  World  for  the  recti- 
tude of  our  intentions,  do  in  the  name,  and 
by  the  authority  of  the  good  people  of  these 
colonies,  solemnly  publish  and  declare : 
That  these  United  Colonies  are  and  of 
right  ought  to  be  Free  and  Independent 
States  ; that  they  are  absolved  from  all  al- 
legienceto  the  British  crown,  and  that  all 
political  connection  between  them  and  the 
State  of  Great  Britian,  is.  and  ought  to  be, 
totally  dissolved;  and  that,  as  Free  and 
Independent  States,  they  have  full  power 
to  levy  war,  conclude  peace,  contract  al- 
liances, establish  commerce,  and  to  do  all 
other  things  which  Independent  States 
may  of  right  do.  And  for  the  support  of 
this  Declaration,  and  in  a firm  reliance  on 
the  protection  of  Divine  Providence,  we 
mutually  pledge  to  each  other  our  lives,  our 
fortunes  and  our  sacred  honor. 

“John  Hancock.” 

And  the  names  of  the  whole  Congress 
followed.  Y ou  see  that  there  is  Divinity 
in  this  immortal  document.  Can  we  find 
in  the  Articles  of  Confederation  anything 
to  support  the  position  that  the  founders  of 
this  government  intended  that  it  should  be 
a nation  for  God,  and  that  His  religion 
should  have  a place  in  this  land?  It  says: 
“ Whereas,  it  hath  pleased  the  Great  Gov- 
ernor of  the  World  to  incline  the  hearts  of 
the  Legislatures  we  respectively  represent 
in  Congress  to  approve  of  and  to  author- 
ize us  to  ratify  the  said  Articles  of  Confed- 
eration and  perpetual  union.”  Thus  we 
find  this  assembly  thanking  the  Governor 
of  the  World  for  inclining  the  hearts  of 
men.  Who  can  move  the  hearts  of  men 
but  God?  But  we  find  them  in  reverence 
bowing  to  the  Governor  of  men. 


3 


We  now  call  your  attention  to  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  Nation,  and  let  us  examine 
that  instrument  in  the  light  of  the  men 
who  formed  it,  and  we  will  see  that  this 
was  intended  to  be  a nation  founded  in 
righteousness  and  justice.  What  does  the 
instrument  say  on  this  subject? 

It  is  on  these  fundamentals  that  I base 
the  general  claim  for  the  repeal  of  these 
laws,  that  are  on  their  very  face  in  opposi- 
tion to  the  announced  principles  of  the 
fathers  of  the  country.  Let  us,  if  we  will, 
read  the  Constitution  which  was  adopted 
for  the  government  of  the  whole  people  by 
their  chosen  representatives.  It  was  writ- 
ten while  the  fire  of  independence  was 
burning  brightly,  and  the  flames  of  free- 
dom were  ascending  on  high. 

The  Constitution,  1787,  says:  ‘‘We, 
the  people  of  the  United  Stales,  in  order 
to  form  a more  perfect  Union,  establish 
justice,  insure  domestic  tranquility,  pro- 
vide for  the  common  defense,  promote  the 
general  welfare,  and  secure  the  blessings 
of  liberty  to  ourselves  and  our  posterity, 
do  ordain  and  establish  this  Constitution 
for  the  United  States  of  America.” 

That  is  very  pleasant  reading,  but  read 
the  grand  old  13th  Amendment,  as  fol- 
lows: “Neither  slavery  nor  involuntary 
servitude,  except  as  a punishment  for 
crime,  whereof  the  party  shall  have  been 
duly  convicted,  shall  exist  within  the 
United  States,  or  any  place  subject  to 
their  jurisdiction.” 

December  18th,  1865. 

The  work  goes  on,  and  we  have  the  14th 
Amendment,  in  relation  to  our  civil  rights, 
as  follows:  “All  persons  born  or  natural- 
ized in  the  United  States,  and  subject  to 
the  jurisdiction  thereof,  are  citizens  of  the 
United  States,  and  of  the  States  wherein 
they  reside.  No  State  shall  make  or  en- 
force any  law  which  shall  abridge  the 
privileges  or  immunities  of  citizens  of  the 
United  States,  nor  shall  any  State  deprive 
any  person  of  life,  liberty,  or  property, 
without  due  process  of  law,  nor  deny  to 
any  person  within  its  jurisdiction  the  equal 
protection  of  the  law.” 

But  we  have  the  capstone  when  the  last 
one  was  raised  with  a shout  of  joy.  The 
njfh  Amendment  says:  “The  right  of 
citizens  of  the  United  States  to  vote  shall 
not  be  denied,  or  abridged  by  the  United 
States,  or  by  any  States,  on  account  of 
race,  color,  or  previous  condition  of  servi- 
tude.” 

In  these  laws  we  have  the  right  to  the 
jury  box,  the  cartridge  box,  and  the  ballot 
box.  In  this  is  found  the  power  of  our 
Christian  or  modern  civilization;  in  them 
we  find  that  we  are  able  to  defend  our  life, 
property,  and  reputation,  and  for  these  we 
are  to  be  more  than  thankful,  and  use  them 
so  that  we  may  bless  all  of  the  inhabitants 
of  our  common  country. 


THE  OHIO  IDEA. 

Ordinance  4,  1787,  Article  III:  “Re- 
ligion, morality,  and  knowledge,  being 
necessary  to  good  government  and  the 
happiness  of  mankind,  schools  and  the 
means  of  education  shall  forever  be  en- 
couraged.” 

Article  VI  of  Ordinance,  1787:  “There 
shall  be  neither  slavery  nor  involuntary 
servitude  in  said  territory,  otherwise  than 
in  punishment  of  crime,  whereof  the  party 
shall  have  been  duly  convicted.”  July 
17,  1787. 

THE  OBJECT  OF  THE  GOVERNMENT. 

Section  2,  Bill  of  Rights:  “All  political 
power  is  *in  the  hands  of  the  people.”  This 
is  a child  of  the  Western  world;  it  was 
never  born  on  the  Eastern  shore,  or  grown 
on  Oriental  soil.  The  presumption  is 
that  ev^ry  person  in  the  State,  whether 
a citizen  or  not,  comes  within  this  pro- 
vision. The  absolute  and  equal  freedom 
of  all  persons  at  birth  is  a fundamental 
principle  of  American  institutions,  pro- 
claimed with  independence,  and  incapable 
of  abrogation. 

The  principle  was,  by  the  ordinance  of 
1787,  impressed  on  the  virgin  soil  while 
our  great  State  was  yet  in  the  womb  of  the 
Northwestern  Territory.  Before  there 
was  an  organized  community  within  its 
limits.  It  is  fundamental  in  her  organiza- 
tions, always  embedded  in  her  constitution 
and  in  her  laws  and  policy.  And  the 
moral  and  religious  conviction  of  her  peo- 
ple are  instinct  wfith  this  spirit.  Anderson 
vs.  Poindexter . 6 O.  S.  622,  684,  Bunker 
Huff,  J. 

“The  government  is  instituted  for  their 
equal  protection  and  benefit.”  For  whose 
equal  protection,  and  whose  equal  benefit? 
Why,  for  the  people  of  this  State,  the 
whole  people,  the  rich,  the  poor  the  black, 
the  white,  the  learned  and  the  unlearned, 
all  are  to  receive  the  same  protection,  and 
enjoy  the  same  rights  and  immunities. 
If  it  is  possible  for  us  to  know  what  are 
the  rights  of  the  citizen,  and  what  he  was 
entitled  to  under  the  constitution,  we 
could  find  out  what  we  ought  to  do  to 
acquire  our  rights  in  common  with  other 
men. 

But  we  are  instructed  in  this  bill  what 
the  bill  of  rights  says,  that  no  special  priv- 
ilege shall  ever  be  granted.  Who  to? 
Why  to  any  person  in  the  commonwealth 
on  account  of  the  birth,  wealth,  color,  or 
previous  condition,  but  an  absolute  freedom 
is  given  to  all  of  the  children  of  this  com- 
monwealth. Now.  if  the  commonwealth 
has  been  giving  special  privileges  to  any 
person,  it  follows  that  if  any  law  has  been 
passed  w hich  makes  a distinction  between 
the  citizens  of  the  commonwealth,  then 
that  law  is  unjust,  and  ought  to  be  repealed, 
so  that  each  may  enjoy  that  which  is 
granted  by  the  constitution. 


UNIVERSITY  OF 
ILLINOIS  LIBRARY 
AT  URBANA-CHAMPAIGN 


4 


But  does  the  section  now  sought  to  be 
repealed  come  under  the  head  of  equal 
rights  of  the  citizen  ? 

An  illustration  of  what  our  fathers 
thought  of  the  matter  and  what  was  their 
action:  They  knew  that  it  was  the  duty 
of  Congress,  alike  under  the  Articles  of 
Confederation  and  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  to  legislate  for  the  Territo- 
ries and  provide  governments  for  their 
regulation.  The  resolutions  of  the  Con- 
gress of  the  Confederation  for  the  tempo- 
rary government  of  territory  ceded  by  the 
individual  States  to  the  United  States, 
adopted  April  23,  1784,  provided  for  the 
establishment  of  territorial  governments 
by  the  ‘‘free  males  of  full  age  and  the 
famous  Ordinance  of  July  13,  1787,  for  the 
government  northwest  of  the  river  Ohio, 
which  repeals  the  resolutions  of  1784,  and 
the  salient  point  of  which  was  known  first 
as  the  “Jefferson  proviso,”  and  later,  in 
connection  with  the  Oregon  struggle,  as 
the  “Wilmot  proviso,”  vested  the  right  of 
suffrage  in  the  “free  male  inhabitants  of 
full  age,”  with  a certain  freehold  qualifica- 
tion. This  Ordinance  was  re-enacted  im- 
mediately after  the  adoption  of  our  present 
Constitution,  by  the  act  of  Congress  of 
August  7,  1789  ; and  in  this  respect  was 
the  precedent  for  every  subsequent  territo- 
rial act  passed  until  1812.  The  several 
acts  passed  from  the  foundation  of  the 
Government  to  that  date  was  as  follows  : 

Under  the  Congress  of  the  Confedera- 
tion, those  to  which  I have  referred, 
namely,  that  of  April  23,  1784,  “for  the 
temporary  government  of  territory  ceded 
or  to  be  ceded  by  the  individual  States  to 
the  United  States  ;”  and  that  of  July  13, 
1787,  “for  the  government  of  the  territory 
of  the  United  States  northwest  of  the 
river  Ohio.” 

And  by  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States  since  the  adoption  of  the  Constitu- 
tion : 


The  act  of  August  7,  1789,  already  re- 
ferred to  as  re-enacting  the  Ordinance  of 
1787; 

The  act  of  May  26,  1790,  for  the  govern- 
ment of  the  territory  of  the  United  States 
south  of  the  river  Ohio,  under  which,  as 
we  have  seen,  the  State  of  Tennessee  was 
organized  ; 

The  Act  of  April  7,  1798,  for  the.  estab- 
lishment of  a government  in  the  Missis- 
sippi territory  ; 

The  act  of  May  7,  1800,  establishing 
Indiana  territory  ; 

The  act  of  March  26,  1804,  for  the  gov- 
ernment of  Louisiana,  which  provided  for 
a legislative  council,  to  be  appointed  by 
the  President  of  the  United  States,  and 
not  for  an  elective  Legislature,  as  did  the 
rest ; 

The  act  of  January  11,  1805,  for  the  gov- 
ernment of  Michigan  Territory  ; 


The  act  of  March  2,  1805,  for  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  territory  of  Orleans  ; and 

The  act  of  February  3,  1809,  lor  the  gov- 
ernment of  Illinois  Territory ; 

And  in  no  one  of  these  ten  acts  was  any 
restriction  placed  on  the  right  of  suffrage 
bjr  reason  of  the  color  of  the  citizen.  In 
none  of  them  was  the  word  “white”  used 
to  limit  the  right  to  suffrage. 

The  next  territorial  act  was  that  of  June 
4,  1812,  providing  for  the  government  of 
Missouri  Territory.  More  than  twenty- 
two  years  had  then  passed  since  the  adop- 
tion of  the  Constitution  ; and  the  men 
who  had  achieved  our  independence  and 
fashioned  our  institutions  in  harmony  with 
the  fundamental  truths  they  had  declared, 
and  who, during  this  long  period,  more  than 
the  average  active  life  of  a generation,  had 
resisted  the  aristocratic  and  strife  engen- 
dering demands  of  South  Carolina,  were 
rapidly  passing,  indeed  most  of  them  had 
passed  from  participation  in  public  affairs. 
Meanwhile, slavery  had  been  strengthened 
by  the  unhappy  compromise  of  the  Con- 
stitution conceded  to  South  Carolina  and 
Georgia. 

III.  THE  IRREPRESSIBLE  CON- 
FLICT. 

The  two  civilizations  entered  the  field  in 
the  years  1619  and  1620.  Of  the  one  at 
Plymouth  Rock  we  have  this  to  say: 

THE  PILGRIM  FATHERS. 

The  vessels  which  preceded  the  ‘May- 
flower,’ came  in  the  name  of  some  Prince 
or  Lord,  carrying  grants  and  patents  for 
the  land;  and  they  were  to  take  possession, 
in  the  name,  and  by  the  authority  of  their 
sovereign,  who  was  to  reap  the  political 
benefits,  and  the  expeditionists  were  to  en- 
joy the  great  treasures,  which  they  thought 
were  lying  round  in  the  wilds  of  the  West- 
ern World,  or  the  New  World,  as  it  was 
then  familiarly  called. 

The  Mayflower  and  Speedwell,  two 
grand  old  vessels,  on  a glorious  mission, 
started,  not  by  and  with  the  favor  of  the 
crowned  heads  of  the  old  world;  they  had 
no  smiles  from  opulent  princes,  or  favor 
from  the  aristocracy;  but  they  came,  bring- 
ing no  parchment  with  them.  What  did 
they  want  with  authority  from  the  titular 
dignitaries  of  Europe,  when  they  had 
authority  from  the  Court  of  Heaven,  com- 
ing at  the  command  of  the  King  of  Kings, 
and  Lord  of  Lords.  Their  principles  were 
written  on  the  tablets  of  their  hearts  by 
the  finger  of  God;  the  motto  was  Holiness 
to  the  Lord  of  Hosts,  and  their  aim  was  to 
form  a government  where  men  could  wor- 
ship God  in  accordance  with  the  dictates  of 
their  conscience;  they  brought  no  monu- 
ments of  the  tyranny  of  Europe  with  them, 
and  they  allowed  none  to  be  laid  on  their 
shoulders;  and,  God  bless  them!  they  did 
not  transmit  any  to  their  posterity;  a 


5 


florious  heritage;  a grand  legacy  from  the 
’ilgrim  Fathers.  All  honor  to  the  noble 
men  who  brought  into  living  reality  the 
grand  principles,  which  for  sixteen  cen- 
turies had  been  struggling  into  life — that 
governments  were  made  for  man,  and  not 
man  for  government.  This  is  the  soul  of 
the  nation,  of  our  glorious  United  States. 
The  Bible  was  the  constitution  of  the  Pil- 
grims; on  that  vessel  was  the  ‘Grand  Re- 
public’ in  miniature.  The  religious  senti- 
ment of  this  noble  band  is  still  going  down 
through  avenues  of  American  society. 

I had  an  occasion  to  say: 

THE  SEED  TIME  OF  LIBERTY. 

In  the  conflict,  through  years  of  toil 
and  sorrow,  we  witness  the  persistent  hos- 
tility of  its  members  to  the  extension  of 
slavery.  The  Missouri  struggle  for  the 
restriction  of  this  wicked  institution,  comes 
next  in  order.  There  we  find  the  State 
right  doctrine  assuming  a formidable  posi- 
tion under  the  famous  resolutions  of  ’98; 
the  union  of  the  friends  01  freedom.  The 
seed  sowers  make  their  advent  into  the 
political  arena,  they  invade  the  social  circle, 
and  bow  at  the  altars  of  the  church,  and 
altack  the  muzzled  pulpit.  They  make 
considerable  progress  and  meet  with  the 
pro-slavery  re-action.  The  aggressive 
friends  of  slavery  want  other  fields  and 
are  for  the  annexation  of  Texas,  lawfully 
or  unlawfully.  Then  we  have  the  Mexican 
war,  in  the  interest  of  the  power  of  sin, 
which  is  a reproach  to  the  nation  and  to 
the  inhabitants  of  this  land,  for  right  could 
not  afford  to  compromise  with  wrong:  sin 
and  righteousness  are  foes  and  can  not 
dwell  in  the  same  state  in  peace.  We  now 
see  our  grand  and  glorious  country  turned 
into  a hunting  ground,  by  the  Fugitive 
Slave  Law,  the  most  nefarious  that  ever 
disgraced  the  nation.  It  was  a sin  against 
heaven  and  man.  We  next  find  the  con- 
test the  Nebraska  and  Kansas  struggle  of 
1854,  where  the  contest  was  whether  the 
States  should  be  free.  The  judicial  de- 
cision of  Judge  Taney,  ‘‘that  the  Negro  had 
no  rights  that  the  white  man  was  bound  to 
respect,”  was  promulgated  to  the  world; 
those  who  were  trying  to  administer  the 
government  in  the  interest  of  slavery  were 
jubilant,  while  the  friends  of  freedom  were 
correspondingly  despondent,  or  they  were 
brought  to  realize  the  true  situation,  and 
many  who  had  been  the  supporters  of  the 
policy  of  wrong,  now,  for  the  first  time, 
saw  the  logic  of  their  political  sentiment, 
and  we  find  a healthy  re- action  in  the  in- 
terest of  freedom,  and  from  that  time  until 
the  great  struggle,  in  which  the  two  armies 
were  brought  out  on  the  field  of  strife,  the 
halls  of  Congress,  the  platform,  the  stump 
and  the  pulpit,  were  crying  with  a loud 
voice  that  ‘’Righteousness  exalteth  a na- 
tion, but  sin  is  a reproach  to  any  people.” 
Foreseeing  that  the  nation  could  not 


maintain  her  power  and  influence,  with  the 
sin  of  human  bondage  eating  at  her  vitals 
and  dividing  her  people  into  hostile  fac- 
tions, the  political  parties  in  this  country 
began  to  modify  their  platforms  and  fall  in 
line  with  the  growing  sentiments  of  free- 
dom. We  find  the  men  and  women  or- 
ganizing Anti-Slavery  Societies  through- 
out the  Northern  States,  and  there  was  a 
corresponding  awakening  in  the  Western 
States  to  the  aggressive  spirit  of  the  in- 
stitution of  slavery.  Then  we  find  the 
growing  sentiment  crystalizing  itself  into 
the  Free  Soil  party,  who  went  forth  show- 
ing the  sins  of  the  nation,  and  declaring 
that  sin  was  a reproach  to  the  nation,  a 
weakness,  a foul  blot  on  the  character  of 
the  sons  of  freedom,  and  a reflection  on  the 
sacred  cause  of  Christianity.” 

THE  SWORD  OF  THE  LORD  AND  GIDEON. 

The  lines  were  well  drawn  on  the  princi- 
ples of  Liberty  and  Slavery.  The  next 
contest  was  the  memorable  raid  of  John 
Brown,  who,  with  nineteen  men,  frightened 
the  whole  State  of  Virginia.  He,  with  a 
noble  band  of  men,  went  down  to  that 
State  to  “set  the  captive  free,”  and  to 
lighten  the  burden  on  those  who  were 
oppiessed,  but  he  failed,  and  all  his  men 
were  captured  save  one,  Osborn  P.  Ander- 
son, who  died  a few  years  ago  in  Washing- 
ton, D.  C.  We  have  cause  to  admire  the 
spirit  of  the  old  hero,  and  when  we  see 
and  learn  of  his  noble  conduct  while  suffer- 
ing in  prison,  what  a grand  sight — one  hand 
on  the  pulse  of  his  dying  son,  and  a gun 
in  the  other.  See  him  in  the  court  room, 
surrounded  by  foes,  but  calm  and  dignified, 
or  when  he  is  convicted  and  sentenced  to 
the  scaffold  to  die  for  his  efforts  to  help  the 
poor,  the  grand  old  hero  said  : “Christ 
told  me  to  remember  those  in  bonds  as 
bound  with  them ; to  do  toward  them  as  I 
should  wish  them  to  do  toward  me  in  simi- 
lar circumstances.  My  conscience  bade 
me  to  do  that.  Therefore  I have  no  regret 
for  the  transaction  for  which  I am  con- 
demned. I think  I feel  as  happy  as  Paul 
did  when  he  lay  in  prison.  He  knew  if 
they  killed  him  it  would  greatly  advance 
the  cause  of  Christ.  That  was  the  reason 
he  rejoiced.  On  that  same  ground  ‘I  do 
rejoice,  yea,  and  will  rejoice.  ” 

The  Hon.  Charles  Sumner,  speaking  of 
John  Brown,  said  on  oneoccasion  that  “on 
his  way  to  the  scaffold,  he  stooped  to  pick 
up  a slave  child.”  The  closing  example  was 
the  legacy  of  the  dying  man  to  his  country. 
That  benediction  we  must  continue  and 
fulfill.  In  this  new  order,  equality,  long 
postponed,  shall  become  the  master  princi- 
ple of  our  system,  and  the  very  frontispiece 
of  our  Constitution.” 

‘•For  whether  on  the  scaffold  high, 

Or  in  the  battle’s  van 
The  fittest  place  where  man  can  die, 

Is  where  he  dies  for  man.’' 


6 


E.  D.  Proctor  says  : 

Bear  on  high  the  scaffold  altar;  all  the  world  will 
turn  to  see, 

How  a man  has  dares  to  suffer  that  his  brother 
may  be  free. 

Rear  it  on  some  hillside  looking  North  and  South, 
and  East  and  West, 

Where  the  wind  from  every  quarter  fresh  may 
blow  upon  his  breast, 

And  the  sun  look  down  unshaded  from  the  chill 
December  sky. 

Glad  to  shine  upon  the  hero,  who  for  Freedom 
dares  to  die. 

On  his  triumphant  march  from  the  prison 
to  the  scaffold  which  was  to  immortalize 
him,  he  met  on  his  way  a woman  with  a 
child,  colored,  the  only  friends  in  the  whole 
throng.  He  stooped  and  kissed  the  child 
with  the  tenderness  of  a father.  When 
coming  out  of  his  prison  he  seemed  to 
walk  out  of  the  Gate  of  Fame,  his  counte- 
nance was  radiant  with  the  smiles  of  a 
clear  conscience,  there  was  a joyous  ex- 
pression on  his  face,  and  here  was  the  ma- 
terial out  of  which  was  made  the  grand 
old  song  : 

John  Brown’s  body  lies  mouldering  in  the  ground, 
But  his  soul  goes  marching  on. 

Glory,  glor)r,  hallelujah! 

THE  MARCH  TO  FAME  AND  IMMORTALITY. 

A winter  sunshine,  still  and  bright, 

The  Blue  Hills  bathed  with  golden  light, 

And  earth  was  smiling  to  the  sky, 

When  calmly  he  went  forth  to  die. 

The  old  man  met  no  friendly  eye, 

When  last  he  looked  on  earth  and  sky; 

But  one  small  child,  with  timid  air, 

Was  gazing  on  his  hoary  hair. 

As  that  dark  brow  to  his  upturned, 

The  tender  heart  within  him  yearned; 

And,  fondly  stooping  o’er  her  face, 

He  kissed  her  for  her  injured  race. 

But  Jesus  smiled  that  sight  to  see, 

Ancf  said,  “ He  did  it  unto  me;” 

The  golden  harps  then  sweetly  rung, 

And  this  the  song  the  angels  sung: 

“ Who  loves  the  poor  doth  love  the  Lord; 
Earth  cannot  dim  thy  bright  reward; 

We  hover  o’er  yon  gallows  high, 

And  wait  to  bear  thee  to  the  sky.” 

— L.  M.  Childs. 

The  next  thing  that  illustrates  the  work 
of  the  men  who  went  into  the  war  for  the 
Constitution  and  the  Union,  is  the  follow- 
ing truthful  war  incident : 

In  the  celebrated  retreat  of  General  N. 
P.  Banks  out  of  Virginia,  it  is  told  of  him 
that  as  the  army  was  on  the  retreat,  and 
he  was  engaged  in  giving  commands,  he 
beheld  a woman,  a colored  woman  with 
two  children,  one  in  her  arms,  the  other 
she  was  holding  by  the  hand;  the  army  was 
hastening  away,  the  children  were  crying, 
the  woman  was  struggling  to  keep  up  with 
the  retreating  column,  but  all  in  vain.  The 
General  saw  her,  he  dismounted  his  horse, 
lifted  the  larger  child  by  its  arms,  set  it  on 
the  cannon,  then  mounted  his  horse.  The 
cannon  guarded  the  retreat  of  the  grand 
army,  and  at  the  same  time  bore  that  child, 


the  representative  of  the  coming  genera- 
tion, on  to  freedom,  and  General  Banks^ 
ought  to  go  down  to  history  and  fame  with 
that  child  on  the  cannon,  while  the  bene- 
dictions of  the  mothers,  and  all  the  genera- 
tions could  call  him  blessed  of  God  and 
praised  by  men. 

The  following  are  some  of  the  great 
works  of  the  party  to  which  I have  been 
attached  for  these  many  years,  the  party  in 
which  I had  my  political  birth,  and  which 
I hope  may  bury  me  in  the  honors  or 
war. 

A GRAND  PARTY  OF  POLITICAL  RIGHT- 
EOUSNESS 

Was  organized,  and  in  the  memorable  con- 
flict of  i860  Abraham  Lincoln  was  elected 
President  of  the  United  States,  and  the 
things  which  made  this  party  great  was 
the  position  it  occupied  on  the  question  of 
slavery,  aud  the  grand  old  principle  of 
right.  Its  success  over  injustice  to  the 
negro  and  disloyalty  to  the  government 
stands  as  a monument  to  its  memory ; 
and  the  chains  and  handcuffs  of  the  bonds- 
men of  the  South  are  the  base  of  the 
grand  pyramid  of  its  triumphs  of  liberty.. 
The  tracks  of  the  righteousness  are  seen 
everywhere  in  this  land  of  ours,  Let  us 
see  what  this  grand  party  has  done  for  us 
and  the  nation. 

1st.  It  saved  the  nation’s  life  and 
snatched  it  from  the  jaws  of  dissolution.. 
2d.  It  gave  the  country  a free  soil,  free 
speech,  free  press,  free  schools  and  free 
pulpits.  3d.  The  Proclamation  of  Presi- 
dent Lincoln,  the  bow  of  promise  was 
hung  out  for  ninety  days,  and  the  fate  ot 
the  race  was  in  the  balance,  but  in  due  time 
the  Proclamation  of  Emancipation  was 
issued  and  went  forth  to  th  • world.  The 
prayers  of  the  oppressed  went  up  to  heaven 
that  the  brazen  doors  of  oppression  should 
be  opened,  and  that  the  captive  might  go 
free.  It  was  so  ; a grand  and  glorious  day 
was  it  when  the  work  of  freedom  was  done. 
The  Proclamation  has  the  following  as  its 
close  : “Trusting  to  the  deliberate  judg- 
ment of  posterity  and  the  gracious  favor  ot 
Almighty  God.”  Then  since  his  faith  was 
well  founded,  he  arose  and  followed  his 
leader  and  feared  no  danger.  Mrs.  F.  E. 
Harper  says  of  the  Proclamation  : 

“It  shall  flash  through  coming  ages. 

It  shall  light  the  distant  years; 

And  eyes  now  dim  with  sorrow, 

Shall  be  brighter  through  their  tears.” 

The  Amendments  to  the  Constitution, 
first,  the  13th,  forever  prohibiting  slavery  ; 
second,  the  14th,  defining  citizenship  and 
giving  the  oath  to  all  men  in  the  courts  ot 
the  United  States — the  key -stone  in  the 
arch  of  the  temple  of  American  liberty  was 
finally  secured  and  raised  to  its  appropriate 
place,  amid  the  acclamations  of  the  strug- 
gling millions  and  the  shouts  of  triumph 


7 


from  the  lovers  of  right  and  justice.  Then 
once  more  the  nation  took  up  its  line  ot 
march  to  honor  and  success.  The  war 
cloud  went  down  behind  the  horizon,  we 
hope, to  rise  no  more,  and  the  sun  of  peace, 
plenty  and  prosperity  has  arisen  in  the 
east,  and  is  now  sending  its  powerful  in- 
fluence through  all  the  avenues  of  com- 
merce, trade  and  agriculture.  The  high- 
ways to  the  mountains  of  knowledge  were 
thrown  open,  and  the  ignorant  are  invited 
to  come  to  the  fountain  and  partake  of  the 
sweet  waters,  drink  and  live,  study  and  be 
wise.  Thus  while  the  country  was  awak- 
ening to  the  duties  of  the  hour,  the  grand 
Centennial  year  came  upon  us  and  found 
a nation  grand  in  all  that  makes  a nation 
great.  Let  all  the  people  sing  praises  to 
the  Lord. 

The  work  has  gone  on  until  we  have  the 
satisfaction  of  seeing  the  Democratic  party 
passing  a Civil  Rights  bill,  and  encourag- 
ing the  race  to  noble  deeds  and  to  acts  of 
goodness. 

The  leader  of  the  party,  Governor 
Hoadly,  last  year  was  as  pronounced  in 
his  words  of  encouragement  as  the  leader 
of  the  grand  old  party  of  justice  and  free- 
dom. God  speed  the  day  when  all  shall 
acknowledge  the  fatherhood  of  God  and 
the  brotherhood  of  man. 

IV.  THE  NEGRO’S  ADVENT. 

The  other  civilization  was  that  one  rep- 
resented by  the  vessel  at  Jamestown,  Va., 
when,  in  1619,  the  Dutch  man-of-war 
brought  the  first  slaves  to  Virginia,  and 
landed  them  in  August.  The  historian 
Frost  says  that  it  was  August,  1620,  but 
Hon.  G.  W.  Williams,  the  negro  historian, 
says  that  it  was  1619.  It  matters  a very 
little  which  year  it  was,  whether  the  first 
or  the  last.  We  know  that  a system  of 
great  wrong  was  begun,  and  has  continued 
in  some  form  or  other  until  this  day.  We 
have  in  these  two  vessels  what  has  been  to 
this  continent  the 

IRREPRESSIBLE  CONFLICT  OF  AGES. 

This  government  was  formed  with  the 
principle  of  right  as  the  corner-stone.  It 
has  been  well  said  by  one  that  “a  broad 
and  trackless  ocean  separates  the  Old 
World  from  the  New;  equally  separated 
are  the  principles  which  underlay  and  give 
form  and  vitality  to  the  institutions  that 
prevail  in  the  two  hemispheres.”  The  in- 
stitutions of  the  Old  World  are  founded  on 
precedent,  and  derive  their  strength  from 
the  mouldering  elements  of  the  dead  past. 
The  American  institutions,  on  the  con- 
trary, are  implanted  in  the  living  present, 
and  depend  for  their  strength  and  vitality 
upon  the  progressive  development  of  the 
human  mind. 

Asiatic  and  European  nations  and  peo- 
ple are  enthralled  and  impeded  in  their  ef- 
forts for  improvement  by  the  chains  and 


manacles,  the  intricate  web  and  woof  of 
inherited  tyranny.  The  fathers  left  the 
form  behind  them,  but  the  spirit  of  caste 
found  its  way  to  this  land,  intended  to  be 
the  asylum  from  oppression.  The  Conti- 
nental Congress  had  met,  and  the  Declar- 
ation had  gone  forth  to  the  world  of  the 
Independence  of  the  United  States.  But 
no  sooner  had  the  old  Bell  of  Liberty,  in 
the  Hall  of  Independence,  sent  forth  its 
molten  notes  of  freedom,  proclaiming  lib- 
erty throughout  the  land,  and  unto  all  the 
inhabitants  thereof,  the  power  of  sin,  in 
the  person  of  slavery,  entered  the  halls  of 
legislation,  and  then  Freedom  and  Slavery 
began  a conflict,  which  only  ended  with 
the  passage  of  the  13th  Amendment  to  the 
Constitution  of  the  Government.  It  was 
the  old  battle  of  right  and  wrong — free 
labor  and  slave  labor.  The  forces  met 
and  no  decisive  battle  was  fought;  but  a 
compromise  was  entered  into,  so  that, 
while  Slavery  triumphed  in  preventing  the 
acknowledgment  of  the  universality  of 
freedom,  Liberty  was  triumphant  in  draw- 
ing a line  and  in  culling  out  its  forces. 

THE  ATTEMPT  TO  BUILD  A GOVERNMENT 
ON  THE  NEGRO. 

The  next  step  in  the  conflict  of  the  Anti- 
Slavery  principle  in  this  government  was 
when  the  conflict  was  not  with  arguments, 
but  with  bullets  on  the  bloody  field  of  bat- 
tle. The  friends  of  slavery  and  wrong 
were  determined  to  have  a government 
founded  on  what  they  thought  was  the 
proper  relation  between  the  white  man 
and  the  negro.  The  object  of  this  govern- 
ment is  best  stated  by  Alexander  H.  Ste- 
phens in  his  speech  on  his  election  to  the 
Vice  Presidency:  “The  new  Constitu- 
tion has  put  at  rest  forever  all  the  agitat 
ing  questions  relating  to  our  peculiar  insti- 
tution— African  slavery  as  it  exists  among 
us— the  proper  status  of  the  negro  in  our 
form,  of  civilization.  This  was  the  imme- 
diate cause  of  the  late  rupture  and  the 
present  revolution.  Jefferson,  in  his  fore- 
cast, had  anticipated  this  as  the  ‘ rock  upon 
which  the  old  union  would  split.’  He  was 
right,  but  whether  he  comprehended  the 
great  truth  upon  which  that  rock  stood 
and  stands,  may  be  doubted.  The  prevail- 
ing ideas  entertained  by  him  and  most  of 
the  leading  statesmen  at  the  time  of  the 
formation  of  the  old  Constitution,  were 
that  the  enslavement  of  the  African  was  in 
violation  of  the  laws  of  nature;  that  it  was 
wrong  in  principle,  socially,  morally  and 
politically.  These  ideas  were  fundament- 
ally wrong;  they  rested  upon  the  assump- 
tion of  the  equality  of  the  races.  This  was 
an  error.  It  was  a sandy  foundation;  and 
the  idea  of  a government  built  upon  it — 
when  the  storms  came  and  the  winds  blew, 
it  fell.”  But  says  this  distinguished  states- 
man: “ Our  government  i6  founded  upon 


8 


exactly  the  opposite  ideas  ; its  foundations 
are  laid,  its  corner-stone  rests  upon,  the 
great  truth  that  the  negro  is  not  equal  to 
the  white  man;  that  slavery,  subordination 
to  the  superior  race,  is  his  natural  and  nor- 
mal condition.  [Applause.]  This,  our 
new  government,  is  the  first  in  the  history 
of  the  world  based  upon  this  great  physi- 
cal, philosophical  and  moral  truth.” 

Thus  we  find  that  the  Southern  Confed- 
eracy was  built  on  the  principle  of  wrong 
to  one  part  of  the  human  family,  as  it  is 
here  announced  that  it  was  the  first  in  his- 
tory, and  if  we  are  to  take  its  life  as  an  ex- 
ample of  the  governments  which  are 
builded  on  the  sand,  then  I think  that  the 
government  which  he  declares  as  having 
fallen  is  still  standing,  the  designs  of  the 
Confederacy  to  the  contrary  notwithstand- 
ing. 

Mr.  Stephens  says  further  on:  “That 
many  governments  have  been  founded 
upon  the  principle  of  enslaving  certain 
classes,  but  the  classes  thus  enslaved  were 
of  the  same  race,  and  their  enslavement  in 
violation  of  the  laws  of  nature.  Our  sys- 
tem commits  no  such  violation  of  nature’s 
laws.  The  negro,  by  nature,  or  by  the 
course  against 'Canaan,  is  fitted  for  that 
condition  which  he  occupies  in  our  sys- 
tem.” 

Listen  to  this  impious  cant:  “The  sub- 
straction  of  our  society  is  made  of  the  ma- 
terial fitted  by  nature  for  it ; it  is  in  con- 
formity with  the  Creator.  It  is  not  for  us 
to  inquire  into  the  wisdom  of  His  ordi- 
nances, or  to  question  them.  Our  Con- 
federacy is  founded  upon  principles  in 
strict  conformity  with  these  laws.  This 
stone,  which  was  rejected  by  the  first 
builders,  is  become  the  chief  stone  of  the 
corner  in  our  new  edifice.  With  this  idea 
we  had  a war  for  the  preservation  of  the 
Union.  It  is  apprehended  that  the  civil- 
ized world  will  be  against  us.  I care  not 
who  or  how  many  they  may  be.  When 
we  stand  upon  the  eternal  principles  of 
truth, we  are  obliged  to  and  must  triumph. ” 

The  friends  of  the  Confederacy  threw 
down  the  gauntlet  of  defiance;  their 
mighty  hosts  of  the  Moloch  of  slavery 
united  their  armies  and  went  forth  to  bat- 
tle. The  gallant  Boys  in  Blue,  at  the  bugle 
call  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  came  forth  from 
the  hill-side  and  gathered  from  the  plains 
with  the  boldness  of  the  Spartan  band  of 
Leonidas,  and  with  a valor  that  would 
have  honored  the  golden  legions  of  Rome 
in  her  palmiest  days;  they  drew  their  loyal 
swords  and  shouldered  their  patriotic  mus- 
kets in  defense  of  the  Constitution  and  the 
Union.  The  contending  armies  confront- 
ed each  other  on  the  field  and  in  the  halls 
of  legislation.  The  fate  of  the  nation  was 
to  be  decided  by  the  sword.  Then  my 
poor,  bleeding,  bruised  and  oppressed  race 
was  between  the  upper  and  nether  mill- 


stones. They  were  between  the  two  con- 
tending forces.  Sad  was  the  sight,  sorrow- 
ful was  the  morning  watch  on  the  day  of 
freedom.  Who  of  the  millions  can  com- 
prehend the  suffering  of  five  million  souls? 
Who  can  weigh  the  sighs  that  escaped 
from  them  then?  Who  can  measure  the 
suspense  in  the  struggle,  and  what  book 
would  contain  the  record  of  their  many 
woes?  Why,  as  J.  Madison  Bell,  the  poet 
of  the  Maumee,  says: 

“Were  all  the  gags,  bolts,  bars  and  locks, 

The  thumbscrews,  handcuffs  and  the  chain, 

The  branding-iron  and  the  stocks 
That  have  increased  the  Afric’s  pain, 

Piled  up  by  skillful  smith  or  mason, 

With  care  in  one  great  concave  heap, 

Those  gory  gyves  would  form  a basin 
Unnumbered  fathoms  wide  and  deep. 

Could  all  their  blood  and  tears  alone 
Flow  in  this  basin  deep  and  wide, 

The  proudest  ship  the  world  hath  known 
Would  on  that  basin’s  bosom  ride  ; 

And  then  could  all  their  groans  and  sighs, 
Their  anguished  wailings  of  despair, 

But  freight  that  ship  just  where  she  lies, 
’Twould  sink  that  mammoth  vessel  there.” 

The  mission  of  the  Republican  party 
will  not  end  until  every  unjust  law — every 
one  that  discriminates  against  any  Ameri- 
can citizen,  whether  black  or  white,  rich 
or  poor,  learned  or  unlearned — is  wiped 
from  the  statute  books,  and  the  wicked 
prejudice  born  of  slavery,  and  of  a century 
of  bondage,  has  made  an  unconditional 
surrender  to  the  Declaration  of  Independ- 
ence, and  the  golden  rule  be  the  standard 
in  practical  and  political  ethics.  Then  will 
I be  willing  to  talk  of  our  mission  being 
completed.  But,  so  help  me  God , I will 
contend  for  the  principles  that  have  been 
written  on  our  banners  by  the  soldiers  of 
our  Union  and  Constitution  at  the  point  of 
the  bayonet. 

It  has  been  said  that  the  “ Black  Laws ” 
must  go;  it  is  only  a question  of  time.  This 
Legislature,  I believe,  will  do  its  duty  and 
complete  the  glorious  work  of  the  age,  by 
wiping  from  the  statute  books  all  discrim- 
inations, and  Ohio  will  then  be  in  politics 
what  she  is  in  the  sisterhood  of  States, 
“ the  Reigning  Queen,”  giving  equal  rights 
to  all  and  special  privileges  to  none. 

Some  one  has  said,  “ Where  does  Arnett 
stand? ” He  stands  on  the  Declaration  of 
Independence,  wearing  the  amended  Con- 
stitution as  a panoply,  uses  the  achieve- 
ments of  the  Republican  party  as  an  in- 
spiration in  the  present,  and  an  anchor  of 
hope  in  the  future,  while  the  golden  rule  is 
his  standard  of  political  and  social  ethics, 
and  is  an  eternal  foe  of  caste  in  every  form 
in  the  Church  and  State. 

V.  CIVIL  RIGHTS. 

The  denial  of  our  civil  rights  in  this  and 
other  States  is  a subject  of  public  noto- 
riety, denied  by  none  but  acknowledged  by 
all  to  be  wrong  and  unjust;  yet,  in  travel- 


9 


ing  in  the  South  we  are  compelled  to  feel 
its  humiliating  effects.  It  is  written  over 
the  door  of  the  waiting  room,  “For  Col- 
ored Persons;”  and  in  that  small,  and  fre- 
quently dirty  and  dingy  room,  you  have 
to  go  or  stand  on  the  platform  and  wait 
for  the  train.  In  Georgia  they  have  cars 
marked  “For  Colored  Passengers.”  There 
is  one  railroad  in  Alabama  that  has  a 
special  car  for  colored  persons.  They  will 
not  allow  a white  man  to  ride  in  that  car; 
and  many  other  roads  allow  the  lower 
classes  to  ride  in  the  car  set  apart  for 
“Colored  Persons.” 

One  would  think  that  at  this  time  of  our 
civilization,  that  character,  and  not  color, 
would  form  the  line  of  distinction  in  so- 
ciety, but  such  is  not  the  case.  It  matters 
not  what  may  be  the  standing  or  intelli- 
gence of  a colored  man  or  woman,  they 
have  to  submit  to  the  wicked  laws  and  the 
more  wicked  prejudice  of  the  people.  It 
is  not  confined  to  either  North  or  South. 
It  is  felt  in  this  State  to  some  extent;  we 
feel  it  in  the  hotels,  we  feel  it  in  the  opera 
house.  There  are  towns  in  this  State 
where  respectable  ladies  and  gentlemen 
have  been  denied  hotel  accommodations, 
but  such  places  are  diminishing  daily,  un- 
der the  growing  influences  of  equal  laws. 

In  the  city  of  Cincinnati  there  are  places 
where  a colored  man  can  not  get  accom- 
modations for  love  nor  money ; there  was 
a man  who  started  an  equal  rights  house; 
the  colored  people  patronized  him;  his 
business  increased;  he  made  money.  He 
has  closed  his  house  against  his  former 
patrons,  and  will  not  accommodate  them. 

Members  will  be  astonished  when  I tell 
them  that  I have  traveled  in  this  free  coun- 
try for  twenty  hours  without  anything  to 
eat;  not  because  I had  no  money  to  pay 
for  it,  but  because  I was  colored.  Other 
passengers  of  a lighter  hue  had  breakfast, 
dinner  and  supper.  In  traveling  we  are 
thrown  in  “jim  crow”  cars,  denied  the 
privilege  of  buying  a berth  in  the  sleeping 
coach.  This  monster  caste  stands  at  the 
doors  of  the  theatres  and  skating  rinks, 
locks  the  doors  of  the  pews  in  our  fashion- 
able churches,  closes  the  mouths  of  some 
of  the  ministers  in  their  pulpits  which  pre- 
vents the  man  of  color  from  breaking  the 
bread  of  life  to  his  fellowmen. 

This  foe  of  my  race  stands  at  the  school 
house  door  and  separates  the  children,  by 
reason  of  color , and  denies  to  those  who 
have  a visible  admixture  of  African  blood 
in  them  the  blessings  of  a graded  school 
and  equal  privileges.  We  propose  by  this 
bill  to  knock  this  monster  in  the  head  and 
deprive  him  of  his  occupation,  for  he  fol- 
lows us  all  through  life;  and  even  some  of 
our  graveyards  are  under  his  control.  The 
colored  dead  are  denied  burial.  We  call 
upon  all  friends  of  Equal  Rights  to  assist 
us  in  this  struggle  to  secure  the  blessings 


of  untrammeled  liberty  for  ourselves  and 
prosperity. 

I am  proud  to  stand  in  this  presence  and 
announce  that  we  have  lived  to  see  the 
day  when  the  leaders  and  platforms  of  all 
the  parties  of  this  State  are  in  favor  of  the 
civil  rights  of  my  poor  race  that  has  suf- 
fered for  so  many  centuries. 

Governor  Hoadly,  in  his  last  message  to 
this  General  Assembly,  used  the  following 
words  relative  to  civil  rights: 

“Equal  civil  rights  are  enjoyed  by  all  our 
citizens,  except  those  possessing  a visible 
admixture  of  African  blood.  I recommend 
the  repeal  of  all  laws  discriminating  be- 
tween citizens  on  account  of  color.  These 
are  both  wrong  and  oppressive.  The 
most  oppressive  are  those  which  permit 
the  condemnation  of  colored  children, 
without  accusation  or  trial,  to  the  punish- 
ment of  compulsory  non-association  in 
the  common  schools  with  white  children, 
to  education  often  inferior,  and  in  places 
inconveniently  remote  from  the  residences 
of  their  parents.  This  is  a badge  of  servi- 
tude having  the  effect  to  degrade,  and 
keenly  felt  by  many  most  worthy  colored 
people,  as  in  effect  stamping  them  as  un- 
worthy of  equal  privileges.  I am  aware 
that  in  many  parts  of  the  State  much 
prejudice  exists  against  mixed  schools,  but, 
curiously  enough,  this  feeling  is  manifested, 
not  where  the  colored  children  sit  upon  the 
same  benches  with  the  white  children,  but 
where  they  do  not;  not  where  the  experi- 
ment o:  mixed  schools  has  been,  but  where 
it  has  not  been  tried.  Wherever  in  the 
State  separate  schools  have  been  done 
away  with,  the  people  are  satisfied,  and  the 
mixed  schools  are  successful,  as  may  be 
seen  in  Columbus,  and  many  other  towns 
and  cities  as  well  as  rural  neighborhoods. 

“Although  encouraged  by  law,  this  race 
prejudice  is  slowly  yielding  either  to  the 
growing  belief  that  it  is  wrong,  or  to  the 
pressure  of  the  taxation  necessary  to  main- 
tain separate  schools.  The  number  of 
children  enrolled  in  the  colored  schools 
was  in  the  year  1881,  10,296;  1882,9.701; 
1883,  9,240,  and  1884,  8,490.” 

This  is  one  of  the  most  encouraging 
signs  of  peace  and  good  will  between  the 
races  when  a man,  the  acknowledged 
leader  of  the  Democratic  party,  announces 
that  he  is  in  favor  of  the  repeal  of  every 
law  that  makes  a distinction  between  equal 
citizens.  I trust  that  his  spirit  will  fall  on 
the  memory  of  his  party  in  this  house,  and 
that  they  will  join  with  us  heart,  hand  and 
vote,  in  the  repeal  of  these  wicked  statutes. 

Let  the  victory  be  one  of  freemen,  and 
not  of  party,  only  the  party  of  those  who 
love  their  country  and  fellowmen,  who 
believe  in  the  fatherhood  of  God  and  the 
brotherhood  of  man. 

The  present  Governor,  J.  B.  Foraker,  in 
his  inaugural  address,  as  the  leader  of  the 


10 


great  Republican  party  of  this  State,  used 
the  following  language  when  speaking  to 
his  fellow-citizens,  which  was  received  with 
great  applause  by  the  leaders  of  the  Re- 
publican, Democratic  and  Prohibitionist 
parties: 

“In  the  same  line  with  this  comes  an- 
other thought.  The  theory  of  our  gov- 
ernment recognizes  the  absolute  civil  and 
political  equality  of  all  our  citizens,  with- 
out regard  to  race  or  color.  This  theory 
has  not,  however,  had  absolute  practical 
application.  There  are  still  a few  laws  on 
our  statute  books  that  create  unjust  dis- 
crimination based  on  color.  They  should 
be  swept  away,  to  the  end  that  our  colored 
fellow  citizens  may  have  the  same  rights 
and  the  same  opportunities  for  education 
and  self-elevation,  and  the  enjoyments  of 
the  rights  of  citizenship  that  other  citizens 
have.  This  is  due  them — they  have  earned 
it.  They  are  a loyal  people,  and  always 
have  been.  They  have  fought  for  the  flag, 
and  have  attested  their  heroism,  and  shed 
their  blood  on  the  battle-fields  of  the  Re- 
public. No  braver  soldiers  ever  followed 
the  stars  and  stripes  than  the  heroes  of 
Fort  Wagner  and  a dozen  other  contests 
of  the  late  war,  where  colored  men  patri- 
otically laid  down  their  lives  that  this  Na- 
tion might  live.  We  can  not  afford  to  he 
less  than  just  to  all.  And  not  only  should 
such  rights  be  fully  accorded,  but  their  en- 
forcement should  he  adequately  provided 
for  by  appropriate  legislation.,, 

Thus  for  the  first  time  in  the  history  of 
the  State  and  parties,  thev  agree  to  this 
righteous  proposition,  and  I hope  and  trust 
that  the  men  who  are  the  leaders  on  this 
floor  will  unite  with  me  in  wiping  from  the 
statute  books  the  last  lingering  relic  of  the 
barbarism  of  the  past.  Let  us  crystalize 
the  sentiments  of  the  leaders  into  law,  and 
send  a shout  of  jojr  to  the  home  of  every 
lover  of  justice  in  this  land. 

I must  pay  a tribute  of  respect  to  the 
gallant  leader  of  the  Republican  party,  J. 
B.  Foraker,  who  led  the  host  on  to  victory 
the  last  campaign,  and  who  is  destined  to 
occupy  a place  in  the  history  of  his  State 
and  native  land  second  to  none  of  his  dis- 
tinguished predecessors. 

And  the  silver-haired  pioneer  of  the 
race  in  this  State.  Rev.  James  Poindexter, 
has  been  very  faithful  in  his  work  for  the 
repeal  of  the  Black  Statutes,  and  my 
prayer  is  that  before  his  sun  sets  in  the 
west,  he  may  see  his  race  equal  before  the 
laws. 

THE  QUESTION  OF  SOCIAL  RIGHTS. 

This  is  a different  thing  from  civil 
rights.  It  is  said  social  rights  are  sacred 
things  and  belong  to  the  individual,  and 
are  not  to  be  interfered  with  by  others  un- 
less agreeable  to  the  individual.  I agree 
to  the  proposition,  but  hold  that  civil 
rights  are  just  as  sacred,  for  the  civil 


rights  are  the  individual  rights  surren- 
dered for  the  good  of  society,  including  the 
individual  himself,  and  they  are  to  be  en- 
j yyed  conjointly  by  the  members  of  society, 
and  they  become  the  common  property  of 
civilized  society.  It  is  this  surrendering 
of  a part  of  our  rights  to  bless  others  that 
distinguishes  civilized  from  uncivilized 
governments.  One  of  the  sacred  rights  of 
man  is  to  make  choice  of  a companion, 
one  to  take  for  better  or  worse  for  life.. 
Now  the  law  has  no  right  to  say  who  he 
shall  not  love,  or  limit  him  in  his  choice. 
That  should  be  left  to  the  law  of  social 
affinity,  which  is  as  universal  in  the  social 
world  as  gravitation  is  in  the  material 
world  and  as  potential  as  specific  gravity. 

The  repeal  of  this  law  does  not  mean 
what  a great  many  men  say  it  does,  nor 
what  a portion  of  the  women  say  that  it 
does.  It  is  not  to  facilitate  the  marriage 
of  the  whites  and  the  blacks.  That  is  not  the 
object.  That  is  no  subject  of  legislation,, 
but  is  one  that  belongs  to  the  individuals  of 
society.  That  is  one  of  the  individual 
rights  of  an  American  citizen.  His  rights 
to  life,  his  right  to  liberty,  his  right  to  per- 
sonal happiness  is  all  that  we  have  as  citi- 
zens. After  all  of  the  wars  of  the  past, 
after  the  blood  and  tears,  that  is  what  is 
left  for  us  ; that  is  what  we  have  gained 
from  the  conflict,  and  every  man  ought,  by 
right,  to  enjoy  that  blessing. 

The  idea  that  this  law  being  repealed 
there  would  be  a general  rush  to  the  Pro- 
bate Court  for  license  to  marry  white 
women,  is  only  a woman  ot  straw.  I 
have  too  much  confidence  in  the  intelli- 
gence and  race  pride  < f the  women  of  our 
country  to  apprehend  anything  of  the 
kind.  Then  our  society  is  so  constituted 
at  this  time  that  it  is  very  unpleasant  for 
a white  woman  to  marry  a colored  man. 
She  is  not  wanted  bv  her  own  people,  and 
she  is  shunned  bv  his  own  people  to  the 
extent  that  when  anything  of  the  kind  oc- 
curs it  becomes  a case  of  seclusion,  and 
everywhere  the  man  feels  the  force  of  the 
position.  I am  of  the  opinion  that  if  this- 
bill  was  passed,  as  pass  it  will,  if  not  to-day 
in  the  near  future,  for  there  will  not  be  a. 
party  strong  enough  to  resist  the  growing 
sentiment  of  the  age,  that  all  of  our  laws 
should  be  for  the  whole  people  and  not  for 
a part. 

We  find  that  in  society  there  are  laws 
stronger  than  our  statutes,  and  more  mighty 
than  the  common  prejudice  of  our  people. 
That  is  the  law  of  social  affinity.  It  is 
universal  and  as  unerring  as  the  laws  of 
gravitation,  and  is  as  irresistable  on  indi- 
vidual character  as  specific  gravity.  And 
we  need  not  fear  but  what  this  righteous 
measure  of  the  law  of  social  affinity  will 
hold  the  colored  man  to  his  mother,  sisters, 
wife  and  daughters,  and  make  him  have  a 
race  and  family  pride  in  them. 


11 


It  will  stand  like  a wall  of  fire  to  the 
white  race,  surrounded  as  it  is  with  wealth, 
education,  refinement,  social  and  political 
power,  all  of  these  the  protection  of  them. 

We  are  on  the  weaker  side  of  the  wall, 
yet  we  do  not  fear  the  result  of  the  repeal 
of  these  laws  of  barbarism.  Let  us 
rise  in  the  might  of  freemen  and  strike  a 
blow  at  these  black  laws  that  will  for- 
ever remove  them  from  the  statute  books  of 
this  grand  empire,  within  our  empire,  and 
let  us  transmit  to  our  children  the  first  and 
grandest  State  in  the  redeemed  and  sancti- 
fied Republic  of  America,  having  equal 
laws  for  all  from  the  lakes  of  the  North  to 
the  rivers  of  the  South. 

The  question  of  marrying  white  women 
is  not  in  this  bill,  but  is  one  of  individual 
taste  and  preference,  and  no  reasonable 
person  should,  for  one  moment,  think  of 
connecting  the  two  together.  The  intent 
of  the  repeal  of  these  laws  is  to  break 
down  that  legal  wall  that  is  now  built  up 
between  citizens  of  the  same  rights  and 
obligations.  The  time  has  come  when  the 
law  should  only  know  a man  as  a citizen, 
clothed  in  equal  rights  and  privileges. 
Knowing  that  the  stream  of  races  has  con- 
tinued according  to  Bible  account,  will 
any  gentleman  tell  me,  that  that  which  the 
gnawing  teeth  of  time  has  not  been  able 
to  do  through  all  these  years,  the  repeal 
of  this  obnoxious  law  will  do?  Not  a bit 
of  it!  Those  whom  God  has  put  together, 
let  no  man,  or  State,  put  asunder:  and,  if 
it  is  the  will  of  the  Moral  Governor  of  this 
world  that  the  races  must  separate,  it  will 
be  so.  If  He  wills  that  there  shall  be  a 
union,  the  State  of  Ohio  cannot  prevent  it. 

OUR  WOMEN. 

But.  some  will  enquire,  if  the  law  is  re- 
pealed, are  you  in  favor  of  colored  men 
marrying  white  women?  I answer  No, 
No,  No.  Nor  am  I in  favor  of  white  men 
taking  advantage  of  this  law  to  undermine 
the  foundations  of  our  society,  and  to  tam- 
per with  the  virtue  of  our  daughters. 

No,  sir.  There  are  many  reasons  why  I 
prefer  our  own  women.  I think  that  col- 
ored men  ought  to  marry  their  own  wo- 
men, and  white  men  ought  to  stay  on  their 
own  side  of  the  fence,  and  if  any  person 
desires  to  know  the  character  of  society, 
let  them  look  at  our  congregations  and  the 
various  complexions.  It  has  not  been  the 
pouring  of  black  blood  into  white  veins, 
but  it  has  been  the  pouring  of  white  blood 
into  black  veins,  until  it  is  almost  impossi- 
ble to  tell  where  the  white  race  begins  or 
the  black  one  ends. 

I have  a pride  for  the  women  of  my 
race;  I am  proud  of  their  beauty.  They 
are  the  most  beautiful  women  of  this  coun- 
try. We  have  all  shades,  all  varieties  and 
complexions,  so  that  a man  is  not  confined 
to  any  one  shade,  but  can  accommodate 
himself  and  satisfy  his  taste.  Then,  when 


we  remember  what  they  have  had  to  con- 
tend with  in  the  past,  it  is  wonderful  to 
see  how  virtue  has  found  her  daughters, 
and  vice  her  foes  among  the  daughters  of 
bondage. 

I think  that  the  women  who  were  with 
us  in  the  days  of  bondage  ought  to  enjoy 
the  blessings  of  the  days  of  freedom. 
Those  that  stood  by  us  in  the  time  of  sor- 
row, distress,  suffering  and  death,  ought  to 
have  the  first  drink  out  of  the  cup  of  joy 
and  freedom.  Those  women  who  lived 
with  us  in  the  cabins  and  worked  by  our 
sides  in  the  cotton  field  are  the  ones  to  en- 
joy the  blessings  of  our  new-born  home 
of  freedom,  and  they  ought  to  have  the 
love,  and  are  the  rightful  heirs  to  the  love 
and  fidelity  of  the  new-made  freeman. 

The  ones  who  ate  corn-bread  with  us  are 
good  enough  to  eat  chicken  and  biscuits; 
they  who  walked  with  us  over  the  hills  and 
fields  in  Kentucky  jeans,  are  the  ones  that 
should  be  by  our  sides  with  our  broadcloth 
on,  and  I hope  the  pride  of  race  will  be 
strong  enough  to  enable  the  men  of  to-day 
to  take  their  sisters  by  the  hand  and  help 
them  on  their  way  to  the  temple  of  fame. 
For  it  is  an  historical  fact  that  there  are 
no  great  men  that  have  not  had  great 
mothers.  What  we  want  is  intellectual 
women,  women  who  are  monuments  in 
society,  and  who  will  be  instrumental  in 
the  uplifting  of  the  race. 

It  may  be  that  some  of  them  are  not 
beauties,  but  go  and  buy  the  improvements 
of  the  hour  and  have  them  come  out  in 
the  latest  style;  mark  them,  so  when  they 
leave  you  will  know  them  upon  their  re- 
turn. But,  young  men,  my  advice  is  to 
stand  by  our  women,  our  sisters,  our  moth- 
ers, our  daughters  and  our  wives,  and  the 
God  of  the  race  will  give  us,  in  the  future, 
a generation  of  wise,  intelligent,  virtuous, 
industrious  and  loving  women,  who  will 
be  crowned  jewels  of  the  race,  and  models 
of  womanhood  in  the  commonwealth  and 
Christianity. 

THE  THIRD  QUESTION  IS  POLITICAL 
RIGHTS. 

We  mean  by  that  the  rights  that  a man 
enjoys  when  living  under  one  form  of  gov- 
ernment or  another.  Our  political  right 
varies  according  to  the  form  of  govern- 
ment we  live  under.  We  have  some  rights 
in  this  Republican  government  that  we 
could  not  have  if  we  were  living  under  a 
monarchal  or  aristocratic  form.  Here  we 
have  the  doctrine  that  there  is  an  equality 
of  rights.  Here  every  man  has  the  same 
right  and  opportunity  to  be  the  head  of  the 
government  as  his  fellow.  It  does  not  de- 
pend on  the  family  relation,  but  it  depends 
on  the  opinion  of  his  fellow-citizens,  and. 
his  qualifications  and  availability  as  a can- 
didate. 

And  I am  thankful  that  I have  lived 
to  see  the  day  in  this  great  State  of 


12 


ours  that  all  the  parties  have  agreed  upon 
a common  platform  embracing  the  real 
principles  of  a Republican  government — 
‘‘a  government  of  the  people,  for  the  peo- 
ple, and  by  the  people.”  The  Democratic 
party  of  to-day  includes  some  of  my  poor 
people,  and  has  given  them  positions  of 
trust,  State  and  National,  vieing  with  the 
Republican  party  as  to  who  shall  do  the 
most. 

VI.  EQUAL  SCHOOL  PRIVILEGES. 

The  following  are  the  expressions  of  a 
number  of  the  Governors  of  the  State  on 
the  subject  of  the  common  schools  for  all 
the  people.  If  they  were  living  they  would 
be  with  me  to-day,  and  vote  to  have  equal 
rights  in  our  schools  : 

In  1810,  Governor  Return  J.  Meigs,  after 
quoting  with  approval  the  above  extract 
from  the  ordinance  of  1787,  said:  “Cor- 
rect education  is  the  auxiliary  of  virtue. 
Moral  science  will  exalt  the  mind,  while 
ignorance,  the  badge  of  mental  slavery,  de- 
bases it. 

“When  the  structure  of  government  rests 
on  public  opinion,  knowledge  is  of  vital 
interest;  public  opinion, to  be  correct,  must 
be  enlightened,  and  the  culture  of  the  un- 
derstanding is  the  preserver  of  republican 
principles.  Man,  informed  of  his  politi- 
cal rights,  becomes  reluctant  to  renounce 
them. 

“Tyrants  govern  the  ignorant.  Intelli- 
gence alone  is  capable  of  self  government. 
‘Respect  religion,  purity  of  morals,  and 
love  of  country,  comprise  the  substance  of 
civil  obligations.’  ” 

Governor  Worthington,  in  1816,  held 
the  following  language:  “The  opportunity 
for  acquiring  an  education  in  Ohio  has 
hitherto  been  confined  to  the  few,  and  as  a 
general  dissemination  of  learning  necessa- 
rily conduces  to  the  improvements  of  mor- 
als and  good  behavior,  while  in  effect  it 
gives  to  the  people  a more  extensive  knowl- 
edge of  their  rights  and  duties  as  citizens, 
it  becomes  the  legislature  of  a free  State  to 
adopt  measures  coextensive  with  their 
means  to  accomplish  these  objects.” 

In  1823,  Governor  Jeremiah  Morrow 
declares:  “No  sentiment  is  more  generally 
held  to  be  incontrovertible  among  enlight- 
ened freemen  than  that  morality  and 
knowledge  are  necessary  to  good  govern- 
ment. The  necessary  dependence  which 
civil  liberty  and  free  institutions  in  gov- 
ernment have  on  the  moral  qualities  and 
intelligence  of  the  people,  give  importance 
to  the  provisions  for  the  encouragement 
and  regulation  of  common  schools,  ‘an  in- 
terest so  important  to  the  welfare  of  soci- 
ety and  to  the  future  respectability  of  the 
State,  should  not  be  left  on  the  insecure 
ground  of  the  force  of  moral  sentiment  in 
each  member  of  the  community  for  its 
regulation  and  support.’” 


In  1831,  Governor  Duncan  McArthur 
said:  “A  well  educated  and  enlightened 
people  only  are  capable  of  self-government. 
The  greatest  temporal  blessing  which 
Heaven  has  bestowed  upon  man.” 

Governor  Wilson  Shannon,  in  his  inaug- 
ural address  in  1838,  said:  “No  people  in 
an  organized  State  of  society  can  be  either 
free  or  happy  without  virtue  and  intelli- 
gence; and  to  secure  both,  a well  digested 
and  liberal  system  of  education  is  indis- 
pensable.” 

Governor  Thomas  Corwin,  in  his  first 
annual  message  in  1841,  breathes  into  this 
system  the  inspirations  of  his  generous, 
patriotic  intuitions,  when  he  declared: 
“It  is  in  times  of  profound  tranquility, 
when  the  people  are  undisturbed  by  the 
tumults  of  war,  that  the  duties  of  enlight- 
ened patriotism  invite  to  the  grateful  task 
of  giving  depth  and  permanency  to  our  free 
institutions.  It  is  only  at  such  periods 
that  a commonwealth  can  hope  to  delib- 
erate calmly  and  successfully  upon  systems 
of  polity  calculated  to  stimulate  industry, 
by  giving  it  legal  assurances  that  it  shall 
be  protected  in  the  enjoyment  of  its  acqui- 
sitions; to  strengthen  general  morality,  by 
laws  which  shall  tend  to  suppress  vice  and 
crime  in  all  their  forms;  to  give  energy 
and  independence  of  character  to  all  classes, 
by  measures  which  will  promote,  as  far  as 
practicable,  equally  of  condition,  and  thus 
establish  rational  liberty  for  ourselves,  and 
give  hope  of  its  continuance  for  ages  to 
come. 

“Of  measures  which  contribute  to  these 
ends,  education,  comprehending  moral  as 
well  as  intellectual  instruction,  is  of  the 
first  importance.  Under  a constitution 
like  ours,  which  imparts  to  every  citizen 
the  same  civil  rights,  education  must  ever 
remain  a subject  of  vital  interest  in  refer- 
ence to  the  general  welfare  of  the  State. 
Where  the  right  of  suffrage  is  so  unrestrict- 
ed as  with  us,  government  is  necessarily 
the  offspring  of  all  the  people,  and  will  re- 
flect the  moral  and  intellectual  features  of 
its  parent  with  unvarying  fidelity.  If  the 
speculations  of  the  most  profound  thinkers 
had  left  us  in  doubt  upon  this  subject,  the 
familiar  history  of  the  last  century  alone 
has  furnished  numerous  and  melancholy 
proofs  that  no  people  to  whom  moral  and 
intellectual  culture  have  been  denied  are 
capable  of  achieving  or  enjoying  the  bless- 
ings of  rational  liberty,  founded  on  any 
system  which  tolerates  popular  agency  in 
the  conduct  of  public  affairs. 

“So  profoundly  impressed  with  this  truth 
were  the  framers  of  our  Constitution  that 
they  did  not  leave  it  to  the  judgment  of  the 
future  to  decide.  They  did  not  leave  it  to 
remain  in  that  class  of  subjects  which 
might  be,  in  after  times,  adopted  or  reject- 
ed, upon  the  doubtful  test  of  expediency. 
They  incorporated  it  in  the  Constitution, 


13 


the  organic  law  of  the  land.  ‘Religion, 
morality,  and  knowledge,  being  essential 
to  good  government  and  the  happiness  of 
mankind,  schools  and  the  means  of  instruc- 
tion shall  forever  be  encouraged  by  legisla- 
tive provisions,  not  consistent  with  the 
rights  of  conscience.’  It  is  thus  apparent 
that  in  the  schools  thus  to  be  encouraged, 
the  makers  of  the  Constitution  intended  to 
combine  moral  with  intellectual  instruc- 
tion All  experience  and  observation  of 
man’s  nature  have  shown  that  merely  in- 
tellectual improvement  is  but  a small  ad- 
vance in  the  accomplishment  of  a proper 
civilization. 

“Without  morals,  civilization  only  dis- 
plays energy,  and  that  the  more  fearful  in 
its  powers  and  purposes  as  it  wants  the  re- 
straining and  softening  influences  which 
alone  give  it  a direction  to  objects  of  utility 
and  benevolence.” 

In  his  message  in  1843,  he  says:  “Spec- 
ulative writers  on  the  nature  and  proper 
elements  of  free  government  have  agreed 
that  civil  rights  and  political  power  can 
only  be  safely  extended  to  the  masses  of 
any  people,  when  general  intelligence  and 
pure  morality  have  been  widely  diffused 
and  exert  a controlling  influence.  The  un- 
successful efforts  of  men  in  past  ages,  to  as- 
sert and  maintain  equal  rights,  all  concur 
in  furnishing  evidence  of  the  truth  of  this 
great  principle  in  the  science  of  govern- 
ment. In  Ohio,  every  citizen  who  has  at- 
tained to  majority,  is  armed  with  the  right 
of  suffrage.  Our  fundamental  law,  there- 
fore, and  our  general  legislation,  have  all 
been  made  to  wear  the  same  aspect;  they 
each  regard  all  men  as  equal,  and  seek  to 
extend  to  all  an  equal  amount  of  power  in 
the  conduct  of  public  affairs.  In  such  a 
system  it  must  be  obvious  that  education, 
combining  both  moral  and  intellectual  cul- 
ture, is  a matter  of  primary  public  interest. 
It  is  not  merely  the  ornament  of  our  polit- 
ical edifice,  it  is  the  foundation  on  which  it 
stands,  and  without  which  it  must  crum- 
ble into  ruins,  and  crush  in  its  fall  those 
who,  in  a false  and  fatal  security,  have 
taken  up  their  abode  without  it.  I urge, 
as  I have  heretofore  done,  the  necessity  of 
maintaining,  in  full  vigor,  the  school  sys- 
tem now  in  force,  and  of  improving  it  by 
every  means  which  experience  may  from 
time  to  time  suggest. 

“It  is  by  educating  the  poor  children, 
wherever  they  may  be  found,  that  we  place 
them,  to  some  extent,  at  least,  upon  a foot- 
ing of  equality  with  the  fortunate  inheri- 
tors of  rich  estates.  It  is  of  all  agencies 
yet  discovered  the  most  efficient  in  pro- 
ducing that  perfect  and  just  equality  among 
men  which  brings  harmony  into  the  social 
system  and  gives  permanency  to  free  gov- 
ernment.” 

Governor  Mordecai  Bartlett,  in  his  inau- 
gural address  in  1844,  observed:  “The  first 


and  most  important  of  all  political  meas- 
ures of  a republican  government,  is  to 
quicken,  strengthen,  and  educate  the  youth- 
ful mind.  Although  I would  propose  no 
radical  change  in  the  present  school  law, 
yet  I humbly  conceive  that  experience  has 
shown  that  it  is  not  incapable  of  improve- 
ment. Are  not  alterations  demanded  to 
elevate  the  character  of  the  school-teacher, 
to  secure  such  uniformity  of  school  books 
as  is  not  incompatible  with  the  progress  of 
improvement  in  the  art  of  teaching;  to 
widen  the  sphere  of  common  school  educa- 
tion so  that  it  may  embrace,  not  only  the 
elements  of  that  knowledge  which  is  essen- 
tial to  the  ordinary  intercourse  and  busi- 
ness of  the  humblest  walks  of  civilized 
life,  but  also,  the  rudiments  of  moral  and 
political  science.” 

We  find  that  the  last  report  of  Commis- 
sioner of  Common  Schools  informs  us  that 


we  have  the  following 
in  our  schools: 

number 

of  pupils 

BRANCHES. 

1884. 

1883. 

Alphabet 

. 98,509 

99,798 

Reading 

.640,939 

648,241 

656,600 

Spelling 

.657,655 

Penmanship 

.609,515 

596.727 

Arithmetic  

.563,421 

550,122 

Geography  

.308,631 

298,025 

English  Grammar 

.217,841 

208,349 

Composition  

,135,098 

130,707 

Drawing 

.113,271 

106,604 

Vocal  Music 

.179,845 

165,994 

Map  Drawing 

. 52,173 

49,717 

Oral  Lessons 

.236,156 

194,855 

U.  S.  History 

. 67,985 

58,070 

Physiology  

, 7,792 

7,466 

Physical  Geography 

. 13,826 

20,276 

Natural  Philosophy 

. 9,858 

5,732 

German  

. 46,641 

45,035 

Algebra  

. 20,095 

21,695 

Geometry 

. 4,776 
. 1,156 

4,312 

Trigonometry 

1,171 

Surveying  

172 

207 

Chemistry 

. 1.981 

1,690 

Geology 

913 

900 

Botany 

, 2,860 

2.950 

Astronomy 

..  1,649 

1,442 

Book-keeping 

, 3,091 
, 4,287 

2.934 

N atural  History 

1,240 

Mental  Philosophy 

376 

994 

Moral  Philosophy 

80 

119 

Rhetoric  

. 2,614 

2,122 

Logic 

34 

24 

LatiD  

. 6,549 

6,957 

Greek  

, 628 

365 

French 

97 

457 

General  History 

, 2,238 

2,017 

Literature 

. 3,437 

35,284 

Science  of  Government.. 

, 2,073 

1,980 

Political  Economy 

442 

215 

How  many  colored  schools  in  the  State? 
What  number  of  teachers?  What  will  be 
the  effect  if  this  bill  passes? 

The  following  is  the  number  of  colored 
schools  in  the  State  in  1884 


14 


COLORED  SCHOOLS. 
Number  of  teachers  in  township  dis- 


tricts in  1834 104 

Number  in  1883 98 


Increase 6 

Number  of  teachers  in  city,  village, 

and  special  districts  in  1884 137 

Number  in  1883  144 

Total  No.  teachers  in  State  in  1884..  241 

“ “ “ 1883..  242 

Decrease 1 

Number  of  pupils  enrolled  in  town- 
ship districts  in  1884  2,858 

Number  in  1883 2,570 

Increase 288 

Number  of  pupils  enrolled  in  city, 
village  and  special  school  districts 

in  1884  5,632 

Number  in  1883 6,670 


Decrease 1,038 

Total  number  of  pupils  enrolled  in 

the  State  in  1884 8,490 

Total  number  in  1883  9,240 


Decrease 750 

Av.  duration  of  colored  schools  in 

township  districts  in  1884 29  weeks. 

Average  duration  in  1883  29  “ 

Av.  duration  of  colored  schools 
in  city,  village  and  special  dis- 
tricts in  1884 35  weeks. 

Average  duration  in  1883  35  “ 

Number  of  pupils  in  primary  studies 
in  colored  schools  in  township  dis- 
tricts it  1884 2,351 

Number  in  1883 2,256 


Increase 95 

Number  of  pupils  in  primary  studies 
in  colored  schools  in  city,  village 

and  special  districts  in  1884 3,264 

Number  in  1883 6,554 

* Decrease 3,290 

N umber  of  pupils  in  academic  studies 
in  colored  schools  in  township  dis- 
tricts in  1884 168 

Number  in  1883  139 


Increase 29 

Number  of  pupils  in  academic  stud- 
ies in  colored  schools  in  city,  vil- 
lage and  special  districts  in  1884.  . 233 

Number  in  1883 295 

Decrease 62 


’■"•This  decrease  is  occasioned  by  the  increased 
number  of  mixed  schools  in  the  State. 


THE  COLORED  TEACHERS. 

Are  they  a failure?  Are  they  unable  to 


improve  the  children  under  their  care,  or 
why  is  it  that  you  want  white  teachers? 

1 want  it  understood,  that  I am  one  of 
those  who  believe  in  the  ability  of  the 
negro  to  teach  as  well  as  to  learn.  He  can 
instruct  the  children  as  well  as  one  of  the 
other  race.  All  he  wants  is  a chance.  He 
wants  an  opportunity  to  learn  in  the  nor- 
mal school  the  latest  methods.  He  wants 
a building  properly  arranged  and  located, 
accessible,  light  and  fresh  air,  then  he  will 
give  us  as  high  a rate  of  percentage 
as  others.  But  if  he  has  disadvantage  to 
work  under,  he  will  be  as  other  teachers 
are. 

I do  not  argue  that  we  must  have  white 
teachers  to  learn  our  children  refinement, 
for  I am  of  the  opinion  that  our  lady 
teachers  in  this  country  are  as  refined  and 
cultured  as  any  similar  class  in  the  profes- 
sion. Therefore  I do  not  want  mixed 
schools  because  the  negro  is  a failure  as  a 
teacher. 

WHAT  WILL  YOU  DO  WITH  THEM? 

What  are  we  going  to  do  with  our  teach- 
ers if  this  bill  passes?  What  will  we  do 
with  our  schools?  We  will  do  nothing 
with  them.  We  propose  in  this  bill  to  go 
to  every  school  house  in  this  State,  support- 
ed by  the  taxes  of  the  people,  whether  in 
city,  village,  or  on  the  cross-road,  and  print 
on  it — Oh  ye  that  thirsteth  for  knowledge , come 
ye  to  the  waters  and  drink , without  regard  to 
race  or  color. 

This  bill  does  not  abolish  one  school; 
there  will  be  as  many  schoolhouses  to-mor- 
row as  there  are  to-day.  There  will  be  as 
many  pupils  in  the  class  to-morrow  as  there 
are  to-day.  This  bill  does  not  discharge  one 
teacher  in  the  State  that  is  needed  to  in- 
struct the  children. 

This  bill  does  not  provide  that  you  shall 
appoint  a committee  to  go  to  any  teacher 
and  inquire  if  his  father  was  born  in  Africa, 
America,  Europe  or  Germany,  but  it  is 
intended  that  to-morrow’s  sun  shall  for  the 
first  time  rise  on  three  and  a half  million 
of  men,  women  and  children,  in  this  great 
commonwealth,  without  a law  of  distinc- 
tion, with  equal  rights  to  all  and  special 
privileges  to  none. 

What  advantage  will  this  bill  be  to  the 
people  to  take  it  out  of  politics? 

1st.  It  will  take  the  question  of  negro 
education  and  civil  rights  out  of  the  whole 
of  party  politics,  and  enable  every  man  to 
be  the  custodian  of  his  right  and  allow  him 
to  make  choice  of  principle,  government 
and  policies  of  administration  as  other 
men;  not  as  now,  all  relating  to  his  rights 
and  immunities. 

2d.  It  will  relegate  the  subject  of  edu- 
cation of  the  negro  where  that  same  subject 
is  lodged  for  other  people,  in  the  hands  of 
those  competent  to  control  the  whole.  And 
then  our  people  will  have  the  same  say  so 


15 


as  others;  and  if  they  do  not  get  justice  in 
one  year,  the  next  year,  by  the  aid  of  the 
ballot,  which  every  man  has  under  his  con- 
trol and  will,  he  can  make  the  board  so 
that  it  will  carry  out  his  own  will,  and 
give  him  such  privileges  as  he  is  entitled 
to  under  the  Constitution. 

3d.  It  will  give  the  people  who  live  in 
neighborhoods  where  the  prejudice  is  strong, 
an  opportunity  of  having  the  benefit  of  the 
schools  in  spite  of  the  protests  of  the  few. 
It  will  be  of  great  benefit  in  some  rural 
districts,  and  will  give  our  people  the 
power  of  the  law  in  their  favor. 

4th.  I am  willing  to  trust  the  education 
of  the  race  to  the  Board  of  Directors, 
when  it  is  made  non-partisan.  It  is  only 
where  the  subject  of  education  of  the  negro 
is  found  with  politics  that  we  find  trouble. 
When  getting  office  depends  upon  the 
amount  of  education  the  negro  is  to  be 
given,  as  to  how  little  he  is  to  have  and  to 
how  poor  accommodations  he  is  to  receive, 
then  is  the  time  we  suffer  as  much  from  our 
friends  as  from  our  enemies. 

5th.  It  will  give  the  child  a good  teacher, 
and  enable  it  to  be  properly  instructed  in 
all  of  the  branches.  We  want  the  law  to 
be  on  the  side  of  the  weak.  We  want  the 
law  to  be  just  to  those  who  are  struggling 
to  educate  their  children  to  be  useful  citi- 
zens, and  I appeal  to  all  fathers  here  to 
aid  in  the  much  desired  object. 

6th.  The  schools  ought  to  be  equal,  be- 
cause the  boys  and  girls  who  are  attending 
them  are  to  be  the  rulers  and  governors  of 
the  next  generation.  They  are  equal  in 
responsibility,  they  are  equal  in  destiny, 
and  they  are  to  share  with  each  other  in 
the  responsibility  of  the  State  and  national 
government.  Therefore  they  ought  to  have 
the  same  opportunity  of  qualifiing  them- 
selves for  these  obligations  and  duties.  It 
is  no  mean  thing  to  be  a citizen,  and  then 
we  must  remember  that  they  are  to  assist  in 
the  government  of  the  greatest  nation  on 
the  whole  continent. 

7th  and  last.  An  eminent  educational 
authority  has  enumerated  the  advantage  of 
graded  schools  as  follows  : 

1.  They  economize  the  labor  of  instruc- 
tion. 

2.  They  reduce  the  cost  of  instruction, 
since  in  a well  classified  school  fewer  teach- 
ers are  needed  for  thorough  work. 

3.  They  make  the  instruction  more 
effective,  inasmuch  as  the  teacher  can  more 
readily  hear  the  lesson  of  an  entire  class 
than  the  pupils  separately,  and  thus  there 
will  be  better  opportunity  for  the  actual 
teaching,  explanation  and  drill. 

4.  They  facilitate  good  government  and 
discipline,  because  all  of  the  pupils  are 
kept  constantly  under  the  control  and  in- 
struction of  the  teacher,  and  besides  are 
constantly  busy. 

5.  They  afford  a better  means  of  inci- 


ting pupils  to  industry  by  promoting  their 
ambition  to  excel,  inasmuch  as  there  is  a 
constant  competition  among  the  pupils  of 
the  class,  which  cannot  exist  when  the 
pupils  are  instructed  separately. 

VII.  THE  DUTY  OF  THE  HOUR. 

What  is  there  for  the  race  to  do.  If  we 
abolish  these  laws  that  discriminate  against 
them,  what  is  expected  and  what  must  we 
do  to  save  the  coming  generation?  Must 
we  abandon  all  organized  efforts,  or  what 
must  we  do  to  be  saved,  for  we  must  save 
ourselves  or  be  lost  in  the  great  sea  of 
humanity. 

The  general  analysis  of  the  duty  of  the 
hour  for  the  individual  members  of  the 
race,  is  to 

1st.  Get  an  education  of  the  head, 
hands  and  heart. 

2d.  Get  the  religion  that  will  enable 
him  to  love  God  with  all  of  his  heart, 
mind  and  soul,  and  his  neighbor  as  him- 
self.  „ 

3d.  Get  integrity,  which  will  enable  all 
men  to  control  themselves  and  to  keep 
themselves  in  due  bounds. 

4.  Get  money,  which  will  give  the  race 
a commercial  standing,  and  then  they  will 
become  a factor  in  the  great  work  of  saving 
men  and  influencing  them  on  their  way  to 
the  better  land,  hoping  all  the  time  to  make 
this  world  better  by  reason  of  the  life  of 
each  individual  and  each  family,  so  that 
the  best  influences  will  furm  an  arch  of 
glory  for  the  race  that  will  guard  the  path- 
way of  the  coming  generations. 

VIII.  THE  REASONS  WHY. 

1.  I am  in  favor  of  the  bill  because  it 
is  in  accordance  with  the  genius  of  our  in- 
stitutions. 

2.  I am  in  favor  of  the  bill  because  it 
is  demanded  on  the  broad  principles  of 
common  humanity. 

3.  I am  in  favor  of  the  bill  because  it 
is  just  to  those  who  are  deprived  of  human 
rights. 

4.  I am  in  favor  of  the  repeal  because 
we  have  to  share  in  the  responsibility  of 
the  government. 

5.  I am  in  favor  of  the  repeal  because 
we  owe  it  to  the  men  who  fought  for  the 
Constitution  and  the  Union. 

6.  We  owe  it  to  the  children  of  the 
men  who  laid  down  their  lives  for  the  sa- 
cred cause  of  humanity. 

7.  We  ought  to  pass  this  bill,  that  Ohio 
might  keep  abreast  with  the  demands  of 
the  age,  and  lead  the  other  States  in  doing 
justice  to  all  of  her  children. 

8.  I am  in  favor  of  the  repeal  because 
we  promised  the  men  who  stood  by  oar 
standard  bearers  last  fall  that  we  would  al- 
low no  party  to  do  more  for  the  equal 
rights  of  men  than  this  grand  old  political 
party  of  righteousneas. 


16 


9.  I am  in  favor  of  the  repeal  because 
the  question  of  human  rights  should  be 
taken  out  of  party  politics,  and  be  ac- 
knowledged by  all  parties  and  all  men. 

10.  I am  in  favor  of  the  repeal  because 
it  is  right,  eternally  right ! according  to  the 
teachings  of  the  Son  of  Man  and  God,  and 
the  Golden  Rule. 

11.  I am  heartily  in  favor  of  the  repeal 
because  the  common  instinct  of  humanity, 
the  deeper  claims  of  patriotism,  and  the 
broader  demands  of  Christian  philanthro- 
py, call  upon  all  men  to  make  a common 
cause  against  these  wicked  laws,  and  to 
join  hands,  hearts  and  votes  to  have  them, 
once  for  all,  wiped  out  of  existence;  that 
the  genius  of  universal  freedom  shall  reign 
from  lake  to  river,  and  the  banner  of  Free- 
dom and  Equality  shall  wave  over  the 
homes  of  the  rich  and  the  poor,  and  the 
spirit  of  the  fathers  shall  inspire  the  com- 
ing generations  with  hope  and  faith  in  the 
fundamental  principles  of  this  grand  re- 
public. which  shall  do  justice  to  the  chil- 
dren of  every  frace  and  color;  and  then,  for 
the  first  time  in  the  history  of  the  State, 
will  we  hear  arise  from  the  fireside  of  every 
family:  “Home,  sweet  home;  the  dearest 
spot  on  earth  to  me  is  home,  sweet  home” 
— an  Ohio  home. 

12.  I am  in  favor  of  the  repeal  because 
all  of  the  illustrious  dead  of  the  Republi- 
can party  were  in  favor  of  equal  laws,  and 
exact  justice  to  all  men.  Among  the  he- 
roes of  the  past  were  W.  H.  Seward,  Henry 
Wilson,  J.  R.  Giddings,  S.  P.  Chase,  Chas. 
Sumner,  and  a host  of  others,  who  died  in 
the  faith,  with  a lively  hope  of  the  triumph 
of  Right  over  Wrong. 

13.  Mr.  Speaker,  let  us  repeal  these 
laws,  because  the  leaders  of  the  forces  of 
Justice  of  to-day  are  in  favor  of  wiping 
out  the  color  line  in  State  and  Church; 
with  such  men  as  J.  G.  Blaine,  J.  A.  Logan, 
John  Sherman,  John  Little,  J.  R.  Lynch, 
B.  K.  Bruce,  Frederick  Douglass,  J.  B. 
Foraker  George  Hoadly,  J.  P.  Campbell, 
B.  T.  Turner,  H.  M.  Turner,  B.  F.  Lee,  J. 
M.  Townsend,  Gazaway,  • Buford,  Bishop 
Shorter,  Maxwell  and  Scarborough,  all  of 
whom  believe  in  the  Fatherhood  of  God 
and  the  Brotherhood  of  Man. 

14.  We  must  repeal  these  wicked  laws, 
because  seventy  thousand  ministers  in  this 
country  are  proclaiming  every  Sunday  that 
“God  hath  made  of  one  blood  all  the  na- 
tions of  the  earth.”  Their  united  influence 
is  directed  toward  the  elevation  of  all  men. 

15.  The  Christian  and  secular  press 
have  united  in  favor  of  the  grand  princi- 
ples of  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
and  every  day,  with  ten  thousand  leaden 
tongues,  appeal  to  the  intelligence,  virtue 
and  refinement  of  this  commonwealth  to 
do  justice  to  all  men. 

16.  Let  us  do  our  duty,  because  the 
most  refined,  intelligent  and  wealthy  citi- 


zens of  this  State  are  in  favor  of  their  re- 
peal. Many  of  them  have  told  me  to  “Do 
your  duty  and  trust  in  God,  and  if  the 
present  generation  does  not  approve  of 
your  actions,  posterity  will  vindicate  you 
and  those  who  may  vote  with  you. 

17.  Mr.  Speaker,  we  must  repeal  these 
laws,  because  I have  received  letters  from 
Democrats,  Prohibitionists  and  Republi- 
cans, urging  me  to  do  my  duty  as  a citizen 
and  leader  of  the  people.  The  people  all 
over  this  State  are  praying  that  this  Gen- 
eral Assembly  may  do  its  duty  to  all  of  its 
citizens. 

The  eighteenth  reason  why  the  “Black 
Laws”  should  be  repealed  is  that  we  are 
one  in  origin,  equal  in  responsibility,  and 
one  in  destiny,  and  the  sooner  the  people 
are  taught  this  fundamental  truth  the  bet- 
ter it  will  be  for  the  State  and  for  the  citi- 
zens of  this  commonwealth. 

There  was  a time  when  there  was  much 
talk  about  us  going  back  to  our  native 
land  to  carry  the  torch  of  civilization,  to 
bear  the  banner  of  the  cross,  and  say  to 
those  of  our  race  to  arise  and  shine,  for  the 
light  has  come,  and  the  glory  of  the  Lord 
has  risen  upon  thee  and  thine.  But  we  have 
become  so  intimately  connected  with  the 
Americans  by  the  ties  of  consanguinity  and 
affinity  that  it  would  be  almost  impossible 
to  separate  us,  or  to  tell  which  branch  of 
the  family  should  go  to  Africa,  and  which 
part  should  remain  in  America.  Then  the 
thing  is  impracticable,  and  we  cannot  for 
one  moment  think  of  such  a thing.  Why, 
if  all  the  steamers  and  sailing  vessels  of 
this  country  were  brought  into  requisition, 
they  would  not  be  able  to  carry  the  daily 
arrivals  in  the  family  of  the  race.  The  in- 
crease of  the  race  is  1,401,888  in  ten  years, 
or  we  have  an  annual  increase  of  140,188. 
Now,  the  entire  number  of  emigrants  to 
this  country  in  the  year  1884  was  518,592, 
so  you  see  that  when  a vessel  started  there 
would  be  more  than  a load  on  its  return  to 
this  country. 

Professor  Gilliam  says  that  we  must  go; 
that  we  cannot  live  in  this  country,  but 
must  return,  and  leave  this  country  for  the 
Anglo-Saxons  to  inhabit. 

Now,  in  the  name  of  the  intelligence  of 
the  race,  I give  notice  to  all  concerned 
that  we  do  not  intend  to  go  unless  it  is  of 
our  own  free  will  and  accord.  We  cannot 
go  without  taking  some  of  the  glory  of 
this  country  with  us.  We  cannot  go  unless 
we  have  a settlement  with  this  nation.  We 
cannot  go  unless  we  receive  indemnity  at 
the  hands  of  the  government.  We  would 
desire  to  take  everything  that  belongs  to 
us  with  us,  and  therefore  we  must  have  the 
bones  of  our  fathers,  the  tears  of  our  moth- 
ers, the  sighs  of  our  sisters,  the  groans  of 
our  brothers,  the  blood  of  the  wounded  and 
the  life  of  the  dead,  in  order  that  we  may 
be  able  to  carry  our  memories  with  us,  and 


17 


forget  the  wrongs  of  the  years  and  the  suf- 
ferings of  the  centuries.  We  must  have  a 
settlement  for  the  years  of  unpaid  labor  in 
the  South.  We  want  to  collect  in  some 
huge  cask  the  tears  wrung  from  the  hearts 
of  the  bondsmen  by  the  lash.  We  will  not 
leave  this  country  as  long  as  there  remains 
a bone  of  the  soldiers  of  the  Revolution  in 
the  soil.  No,  sir;  we  will  stay  here  until 
every  bone  of  the  fugitives  of  other  years 
is  returned,  with  its  flesh,  to  its  family  and 
friends,  and  the  reunited  families  shall  be 
honored  with  the  blessings  of  the  new  day 
of  freedom. 

Ask  us  to  go  from  this  land  with  the 
record  of  the  soldiers  of  the  three  great 
wars  shining  with  glory  to  our  race  ! No, 
sir ; you  might  as  well  understand  it  first 
as  last,  we  are  not  going. 

While  the  memory  of  the  heroes  of  Port 
Hudson  and  “Milliken’s  Bend”  is  being 
sung  by  our  children,  and  while  the  sol- 
diers of  the  war  assemble  around  the  camp 
fire  and  relate  how 

We  led  the  Union  soldier, 

When  fleeing'  from  his  foe; 

We  brought  him  through  the  mountains,1 
Where  white  men  dare  not  go. 

Our  hoe  cake  and  our  cabbage 
And  pork  we  freely  gave. 

That  this  old  flag  might  be  sustained; 

Now  let  it  brightly  wave. 

Let  us  remember  the  deeds  of  valor  of  the 
heroes  of  the  war,  and  preserve  the  jewel 
of  liberty  in  the  family  of  freedom. 

We  say  unto  you,  that  as  God  reigns  in 
the  world  we  will  not  leave  nor  forsake 
you, for  your  country  shall  be  our  country; 
we  will  feel  the  same  pride  in  its  moun- 
tains of  iron,  silver  and  gold  as  you  do. 
We  will  feel  as  much  pride  in  its  valleys, 
plains,  lakes,  rivers,  trade,  commerce,  in- 


stitutions of  learning, manufacturing  inter- 
ests, and  in  its  unparalleled  advantages  to 
the  husbandman,  and  in  all  of  these  we 
glory  with  you. 

We  shall  say  of  our  country,  our  fathers’ 
country.  Where  thou  dwellest,  I will  dwell; 
where  thou  goest  to  school,  I will  go, 
whether  in  the  log  school-house  at  the 
cross-roads,  or  the  high  school  on  the  ave- 
nue; thy  preacher  shall  be  my  preacher, 
and  I will  be  buried  in  the  same  graveyard 
with  you — so  help  me  God. 

We  are  willing  to  bear  our  equal  bur- 
den, and  assist  in  developing  the  resources 
of  the  country.  We  are  willing  to  go  to 
the  corn-field  or  to  the  cotton-field,  and 
there  do  our  duty  as  men.  We  have  toiled 
in  the  canebrakes  of  Alabama,  and  waded 
in  the  rice  swamps  of  the  Oarolinas;  we 
have  dug  in  the  lead  mines  of  Missouri 
without  pay  or  hope  of  reward.  But  now 
we  have  the  same  aspirations  that  other 
men  have.  If  they  live  in  the  city,  so  can 
we.  If  they  prosper  on  the  farm,  so  can 
we.  If  they  hold  office,  so  can  we,  if  we 
get  votes  enough.  If  they  go  to  church,  so 
will  we.  If  they  are  on  the  grand  or  petit 
jury,  one  of  us  will  be  there  t©  find  a true 
bill  or  to  bring  in  a verdict.  If  they  go  to 
the  workhouse,  they  will  have  company  in 
breaking  stone.  Whether  in  good  or  bad 
society,  in  doing  right  or  wrong,  we  are 
bound  together  as  one.  We  are  united  in 
life,  and  shall  not  be  separated  in  death. 

Seeing,  then,  that  we  are  so  intimately 
connected  with  each  other  as  men  and  citi- 
zens, what  wicked  prejudice  it  is  to  have 
laws  separating  our  children  while  learn- 
ing their  duty  to  themselves,  their  neighbor, 
to  society,  to  country  and  their  God;  let  us 
do  our  duty,  and  in  doing  this  the  walls  of 
separation  will  crumble  and  fall. 


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